Archive for the ‘Expert’s Articles’ Category

Ahok, Betawi, Tionghoa, Islam, dan Rasa ke-Indonesia-an Kita

February 20, 2013

Silsilah Syatariyah Baba Jainan.
Courtesy: Cod. Or. 7274 ff.3v-r of Leiden University Library

Tampilnya Basuki Tjahaja Purnama, atau Ahok, sebagai wakil Gubernur DKI Jakarta mendampingi Jokowi, mengembalikan sebagian memori saya atas sejarah warga Tionghoa keturunan Cina yang faktanya sudah mendarah daging dalam sejarah Betawi (dulu Batavia) sejak abad 17 lalu.

Mengutip Valentijn, Susan Abeyasekere (1987: 24) dalam Jakarta A History menyebut: “…if there were no Chinese here, Batavia would be very dead and deprived of many necessities…”.

Antara 1619-1740, Batavia disebut oleh Leonard Blusse (1981: 160) sebagai a Chinese colonial town under Dutch protection, mungkin saking besarnya peran warga Tionghoa dalam perekonomian kota Batavia saat itu, meski pada akhir kurun waktu tersebut ada masa kelam dalam sejarah warga Tionghoa di Batavia khususnya.

Dalam bidang politik? Mungkin memang baru kali ini seorang Tionghoa “mengadu nasib” di kampung Bang Pitung. Waktulah yang akan menentukan, apakah kelak Betawi akan berhutang budi kepada seorang Ahok, atau lewat begitu saja seperti pejabat pribumi sebelumnya.

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Ahok, Betawi, Tionghoa, Islam, dan Rasa ke-Indonesia-an Kita

February 20, 2013
Silsilah Syatariyah Baba Jainan.
Courtesy: Cod. Or. 7274 ff.3v-r of Leiden University Library

Artikel ini terbit di Indonesia Media, edisi early March 2013.
———-
Tampilnya Basuki Tjahaja Purnama, atau Ahok, sebagai wakil Gubernur DKI Jakarta mendampingi Jokowi, mengembalikan sebagian memori saya atas sejarah warga Tionghoa keturunan Cina yang faktanya sudah mendarah daging dalam sejarah Betawi (dulu Batavia) sejak abad 17 lalu.

Mengutip Valentijn, Susan Abeyasekere (1987: 24) dalam Jakarta A History menyebut: “…if there were no Chinese here, Batavia would be very dead and deprived of many necessities…”. 

Antara 1619-1740, Batavia disebut oleh Leonard Blusse (1981: 160) sebagai a Chinese colonial town under Dutch protection, mungkin saking besarnya peran warga Tionghoa dalam perekonomian kota Batavia saat itu, meski pada akhir kurun waktu tersebut ada masa kelam dalam sejarah warga Tionghoa di Batavia khususnya.

Dalam bidang politik? Mungkin memang baru kali ini seorang Tionghoa “mengadu nasib” di kampung Bang Pitung. Waktulah yang akan menentukan, apakah kelak Betawi akan berhutang budi kepada seorang Ahok, atau lewat begitu saja seperti pejabat pribumi sebelumnya.

Terlepas dari fenomena Ahok, dari dulu, warga Tionghoa di Batavia sejatinya tidak sekedar “menumpang” hidup belaka, melainkan turut memberikan kontribusi sesuai kapasitas yang dimilikinya, tentu kebanyakan sebagai saudagar, karena dalam posisi itulah Pemerintah Kolonial Belanda dulu memaksa menempatkan “status sosial” kebanyakan mereka.

Pada abad 19, sejarah Islam Batavia pernah juga “berhutang budi” pada sebagian Tionghoa Muslim yang telah menjadi bagian tak terpisahkan dari perkembangan tradisi intelektual Islam di wilayah ini. Mereka bahkan menjadi ulama Batavia yang berjasa menghubungkan tradisi intelektual Islam Batavia dengan ulama-ulama pribumi dari wilayah lain seperti Banten, Jawa Tengah, Jawa Barat dan Aceh melalui jalur tarekat dan tasawuf.

Dalam sebuah manuskrip kuno yang tersimpan di Perpustakaan Universitas Leiden (Cod.Or.7274) misalnya, Anak Tung dan Baba Jainan disebut sebagai murid tarekat Syatariyah yang menyebarkan Islam di Kampung Pasar Senen Sungai Baru sekitar abad 19.

Menilik namanya, Guru Besar ahli Tionghoa UIN Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta, Ikhsan Tanggok, meyakini mereka sebagai Muslim Tionghoa, atau yang oleh Wang Dahai diidentifikasi sebagai “Orang Sit-lam/Selam” (Claudine Salmon, Sastra Indonesia Awal, 2010: 44).

Silsilah intelektual Anak Tung dan Baba Jainan terhubungkan dengan Kyai Santari Hurip dari Banten yang masih harus dilacak identitasnya, serta ulama-ulama dari Karang Pamijahan Jawa Barat semisal Kyai Mas Alida Muhammad, Kyai Mas Nida Muhammad Muhyiddin, dan yang paling kesohor, Syekh Abdul Muhyi Pamijahan. Nama terakhir adalah murid utama Syekh Abdurrauf Singkel (w. 1693), seorang ulama moderat di istana Kesultanan Aceh sejak masa Sultanah Safiyatuddin.

Meski identitasnya belum lengkap, Anak Tung dan Baba Jainan telah mensejajarkan diri dengan ulama Batavia lain tempo doeloe, baik kalangan Tionghoa maupun pribumi, seperti Baba Ibrahim dari Kampung Tinggi, atau Encik Salihin dan Khatib Sa’id yang asal-usulnya dapat diidentifikasi dalam Manuskrip MSS.Jav.50 Koleksi the British Library sebagai Batawiyah negerinya, Mataraman [sekarang Matraman] kampungnya.

Encik Salihin dan Khatib Sa’id adalah dua ulama Syatariyah Batavia murid dari seseorang yang disebut dalam manuskrip tersebut sebagai “…Tuan Haji Nur Ahmad Tegil negerinya, Kepatihan kampungnya…”, yang mungkin berarti dari Tegal Jawa Tengah. Jadi mereka mewarisi tradisi Melayu, Sunda, dan Jawa sekaligus karena ulama Tegal itu ujung-ujungnya juga belajar dari guru-guru tarekat di Karang Pamijahan itu.

Nama-nama mereka masih terabadikan dalam beberapa manuskrip kuno yang sayangnya kini sudah tidak tersimpan lagi di kampungnya sendiri, meski tetap terawat dengan sangat baik di Negeri orang.

Lalu, apa kaitannya dengan Ahok? Tionghoa Muslim pun bukan, apalagi ulama, Ahok juga mungkin tidak pernah tahu bahwa ada puluhan manuskrip kuno di Eropa yang mencatatkan nama sebagian “leluhurnya” sebagai tokoh ulama Betawi tempo doeloe, dan tersimpan rapih dalam sebuah koleksi khusus Legaat Prof. Dr. C. Snouck Hurgronje 1936.

Ahok juga pasti tidak pernah tahu bahwa manuskrip-manuskrip yang mengabadikan nama Anak Tung, Baba Jainan, Baba Salihin dan Baba Ibrahim itu telah menjadi salah satu sumber terpenting Michael Laffan (2011: 36-37) ketika menulis buku the Makings of Indonesian Islam.

Mungkin memang tidak ada hubungannya! Tapi justru karena bukan Tionghoa Muslim itulah cerita Ahok bisa melengkapi keragaman sejarah Betawi! Siapa tahu?

Melalui fenomena Ahok kita berharap bahwa untuk kemajuan bersama, warga Betawi, dan juga warga Indonesia lainnya, bisa melupakan perbedaan etnis, suku, keturunan dan agama, seperti halnya para pendahulu kita melupakan perbedaan itu semua untuk kemerdekaan Indonesia! Dan bersama-sama sebagai manusia, membangun Negeri yang kita cintai ini.

Nun jauh dari Negeri Sakura, saya tersenyum simpul dan bangga menjadi orang Indonesia ketika mengintip “pidato” seorang pengguna media Youtube dengan akun Nuraqsha shodiq yang membubuhkan komentar dalam salah satu video yang diunggah Pemprov DKI 8 November 2012 lalu (saya kutip seadanya, bentuk italic dari saya):

Ass Wr Wb Saudara2ku, rakyat Indonesia seluruhnya, Jokowi-Ahok sedang berjihad di jalan kebenaran, menegakkan yang Haq dan membasmi kebathilan, INGAT di dalam Islam diajarkan, bahwa semua perkara yang terjadi di dunia ini bukan kebetulan melainkan “ketentuan” Allah SWT. JADI, bukan suatu kebetulan kita dianugerahi Jokowi-Ahok di tengah penderitaan rakyat ini. SUNGGUH maha besar ALLAH, kebenaran hanyalah milik Allah, dan pintunya adalah JB. DEMI Allah, demi Rosululloh, Maju terus AHOK. Allahuakbar.

Meskipun “pidato” semacam itu terkesan emosional dan baru bisa saya temukan di dunia maya, dalam lubuk hati secara tulus saya berharap, semoga fenomena Ahok-Jokowi di Kampung Bang Pitung ini dapat semakin memupuk rasa ke-Indonesia-an sebagian besar kita yang memang sudah ditakdirkan penuh warna-warni: warna etnis, warna suku, warna agama, bersama-sama dalam Bhineka Tunggal Ika. Semoga!

Oman Fathurahman
Dosen Fakultas Adab dan Humaiora UIN Jakarta
Ketua Umum Masyarakat Pernaskahan Nusantara (Manassa)

Recent Catalogues of Indonesian Manuscripts : A Review

December 16, 2008

Published in Bidjdragen, tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 164.2/3 2008

Sri Ratna Saktimulya (ed.), Katalog Naskah-naskah Perpustakaan Pura Pakualaman. Jakarta: Yayasan Obor Indonesia and the Toyota Foundation, 2005, xix + 314 pp. ISBN 9794615234. Paperback.

Achadiati Ikram (ed.), Katalog Naskah Palembang/Catalogue of Palembang Manuscripts. Tokyo: Centre for Documentation and Area-Transcultural Studies, Tokyo University of Foreign Studies, 2004, 324 pp. ISBN 492524308X. Paperback.

M. Yusuf (ed.), Katalogus Manuskrip dan Skriptorium Minangkabau. Tokyo: Centre for Documentation and Area-Transcultural Studies, Tokyo University of Foreign Studies, 2006, ix + 295 pp. ISBN 4925243209. Paperback.

Oman Fathurahman and Munawar Holil (eds), Katalog Naskah Ali Hasjmy Aceh/Catalogue of Aceh Manuscripts: Ali Hasjmy Collection. Tokyo: Centre for Documentation and Area-Transcultural Studies, Tokyo University of Foreign Studies, 2007, xv + 304 pp. ISBN 4925243285. Paperback.

Dick van der Meij

Universitas Islam Negeri Syarif Hidayatullah, Jakarta

dickvdm2005@yahoo.com

Indonesian manuscript collections are scattered over libraries and museums around the globe and a good number of them have been catalogued in the past or are in the process of being catalogued.1 Manuscripts in many Indonesian public libraries and semi-public collections have also been catalogued, some of them through an extensive project funded by the Ford Foundation in the 1980s and 1990s. As for collections outside Indonesia, catalogues have in many cases been published by well-known publishers, making them easy to come by. Catalogues published in Indonesia, though, are usually available for only a short time in local bookshops and thereafter disappear from bookstore shelves forever. It is therefore advisable to purchase these catalogues as soon as they see the light.

In addition to catalogues, many small collections and at times even single manuscripts have been described in scholarly journals. Sometimes they appear in unexpected journals and are therefore in danger of escaping the notice of researchers (for instance: Yamamoto and Lingga 1990).

In the last couple of years four catalogues of semi-public and private col­lections in Java and Sumatra have been published with grants from Japan. The Pakualaman catalogue was sponsored by the Toyota Foundation, whereas the other three on Sumatran collections were sponsored by the 21st Century Centre of Excellence Programme of the Centre for Documentation and Area-Transcultural Studies of Tokyo University of Foreign Studies. It is easy to see that Indonesian catalogue productions are indeed international matters: after the Dutch took the first steps during the Dutch East Indies era and well beyond, other Europeans followed; the task was subsequently taken up by Americans, mostly through the Ford Foundation, while at present efforts are increasingly undertaken by Japanese institutions. The catalogues produced in all these projects more and more often result from intensive cooperation between Indonesian and foreign experts.

It is extremely important to have semi-public and private collections catalogued and their contents made available to a wide audience of scholars and interested students of culture and literature. Many conclusions about manuscripts and literary competencies in Indonesian areas are based on studies restricted to public manuscript collections (whether outside or inside Indonesia). These conclusions are sometimes highly speculative, as the situa­tion in which, in many areas, manuscripts are/were made and how they are/ were used is often unknown due to lack of in-depth research into the matter.

The importance of the fact that many manuscripts are kept in collections by people in their own private surroundings cannot be underestimated. Knowledge about these private collections adds enormously to our under­standing of the significance and popularity of texts now and in the past. Taking private collections into consideration adds to our quantitative knowl­edge about the materials collected and preserved in public collections.

Another issue is that browsing public collections alone may provide a distorted picture of the manuscript reality in Indonesian areas. It is very hard to tell whether or not a collection is representative of the local situation. Scholars have insufficient information at their disposal as to why people who donated their collections to public libraries themselves collected the manuscripts they had and when and how they were acquired. We also have little understanding of the purchasing dynamics of libraries and the reasons why certain manuscripts were deemed fit for acquisition and not others. It is not hard to predict what will be purchased when a library is faced with the choice between a beautifully written, probably complete manuscript and an ugly and seemingly incomplete one. Even though the second may be much more interesting for scholars than the first, few libraries will be able to resist buying the first instead of the second, especially if no in-depth research on the texts contained in them has been conducted. Personal relationships and preferences may have been more decisive in the buying process than the care­ful building up of a representative collection. In the past, when conservators of manuscripts were themselves scholars, they of course brought their own preferences to the job and tended to acquire those manuscripts they wanted to study themselves or those that reflected their scholarly tastes. Tastes and interests, however, change over time and we usually do not have adequate insight into particular purchases or, much more interesting, the number and kind of manuscripts that were rejected by individuals and institutions and therefore returned to obscurity.

Private collections abound all over Indonesia. This is the case in Bali, where manuscripts continue to be written to this day and important col­lections are preserved in the palaces and houses of nobles and high priests, not to mention smaller and larger collections belonging to other private individuals. This is also the case among the Sasak and Balinese communities in Lombok (Van der Meij 1994; 2002:166-170); in South Sulawesi among the Buginese and Makassarese (Mukhlis Paeni 2003); in Buton (Achadiati Ikram 2002); and among the various peoples of Sumatra; while on Java and Madura manuscripts in palace and private hands are preserved in great numbers as well. Unlike the situation in other parts of the world, it may very well be that in Indonesia significantly more manuscripts are privately owned rather than kept in public and semi-public collections, the most important of which are the Perpustakaan Nasional in Jakarta, Universitas Indonesia, British and other European collections, the various palaces and residences of princes and nobles in Java and Bali, and the Leiden collections, which for many Indonesians have attained legendary status.

Before going into detail about each of the catalogues under review, some remarks pertaining to all the catalogues may be useful. Firstly, all the catalogues contain many photos of manuscripts. However, why these par­ticular photos are included and not photos of other manuscripts is nowhere explained. Sometimes this leads to such questions as: on page 144 of the Palembang catalogue, why was the sword not portrayed? I was surprised to see a sword being considered a manuscript, so it would have interested me to see an illustration of it. The notion of ‘manuscript’ in this collection evidently extends to artefacts that are not usually regarded as manuscripts at all. Secondly, the physical condition of the manuscripts is described in a vari­ety of terms ranging from ‘good’ to ‘extremely bad’. Indonesian codicology needs to explain terms more carefully, and to use standardized terminology to describe physical conditions so that these may be more accurately gleaned from the description. For instance, in the Aceh catalogue, manuscripts that have been eaten by woodworm, contain holes, or have suffered wear and tear are variously called tidak terlalu baik (not too good, p. 77), kurang baik (poor, pp. 39, 43), rusak (damaged, p. 29), or rusak parah (extremely damaged, p. 16), even though the general descriptions of the condition of the manuscripts do not differ much. The Minangkabau catalogue uses slightly different vocabu­lary for this (apart from rusak, which is found in all the catalogues), such as cukup baik (reasonably good, p. 57), mulai rusak (starting to get damaged, p. 61), sangat buruk (very bad, p. 35), rusak berat (extremely damaged, p. 70), and, the most revealing designations, masih bagus (still OK, p. 80), masih cukup baik (still reasonably good, p. 73), and masih baik (still good, p. 87). By using the word masih (still), the editor seems to suggest that deterioration may happen at any time, and since the other catalogues also use the expression they evi­dently share this point of view. Curiously, the catalogue of the Pakualaman collection does not mention the condition of manuscripts at all, probably for diplomatic and deferential reasons. It is a pity, though, that the condition of the manuscripts at the palace, where one would expect standards of preserva­tion to be higher, cannot be compared to that of manuscripts preserved in far less favourable conditions.

The evaluation of the condition of a manuscript is of course subjective and may depend on one’s mood and one’s overall assessment of a collection. It may moreover change over time, as one gains more experience in a specific kind of manuscript and as one becomes more tolerant. A better idea might be to indicate the consequences of the extent of damage and deterioration in terms of the manuscript’s suitability for a possible text edition. If an indica­tion could be given of the amount of text that has become illegible or lost, a prospective editor would have some idea as to whether it is worthwhile to take the trouble of consulting the manuscript at all. A more standardized and less impressionistic assessment of condition might also be useful for restora­tion purposes and result in suggestions for improved preservation, an issue not addressed in any of the catalogues discussed here.

The editors of the Aceh catalogue seem to see a relationship between the physical condition of a manuscript and the number of empty pages found in it (for example, pp. 34, 63, 101) which I fail to see. We do not know precisely how manuscripts were made, so the empty pages may be there for a reason we do not yet grasp and may therefore have no relevance for an assessment of the manuscript’s condition. The editor of the Palembang catalogue confuses the condition of a manuscript and the loss of pages. A manuscript may be in excellent condition even though half of it is gone. And a manuscript may be crucial for an understanding of codicological and other scriptorial features while being completely worthless for a text edition.

Since collections and scriptoria have become more and more of a focus in manuscript studies, it is a pity that so little information about the owners and the way they collected their manuscripts, and how they preserve and use them, is offered in the present books. Only minimal information is provided about the scriptoria in Minangkabau and the surau (prayer houses) in which they are preserved up to the present, and information is completely lacking about the owners of the manuscripts catalogued. The fifty manuscripts found, for example, in surau Paseban in Kecamatan Koto Tangah, Kota Padang, are mentioned, but only the number of manuscripts preserved there is indicated, and none of their titles, so that the information is rather useless at this stage. The same holds for the other surau mentioned. No biographical information is given about Ali Hasjmy, even though he was himself interested in manu­scripts and wrote about Acehnese and Malay literature (for example: Hasjmy 1976, 1977,1984). He was, moreover, a member of the Pujangga Baru literary circle, and has no fewer than forty titles to his name. Information about the owners in Palembang is minimal. The Pura Pakualaman is apparently consid­ered to be so well known that no information on it is provided. I think this is a missed opportunity, and may be due to too little time spent on reflecting on the projects’ expected outcomes.

Perpustakaan Pura Pakualaman

In 1931, Ki Hadjar Dewantara wrote the following about literature and the literary tradition in the Pakualaman court:

If up to now the general public has been left unaware of this beautiful tradition, this has to be understood, in my view, as reflecting the high level of religious de­votion among the people belonging to the Pakualaman court. They would have considered it profane to publish the texts passed down to them, and none would have dared to take responsibility for this.2

Apparently the people of the Pakualaman palace have subsequently shed their shyness, and opened up their literary heritage for the benefit of the interested public.3

When Girardet (1983) inventoried the manuscripts in the library of the Pakualaman palace in Yogyakarta in the 1980s, he encountered 195 manu­scripts. The present catalogue of the same collection contains not 195, but 251 manuscripts, since many that were in the hands of the extended Pakualaman family have since been deposited in the library. However, other manuscripts he found have not been rediscovered and are therefore not included in the present catalogue, the material for which was assembled between December 2002 and November 2003. This phenomenon – a listed manuscript that is no longer to be found in a private or semi-public collection – is a recurrent one in Indonesia. It is usually seen as negative (as if outsiders have any right to make demands on private collections to begin with!), but I suggest viewing it from a different angle. Perhaps the manuscript is not lost at all, but was not present in the collection at the time the catalogue was compiled because it was being used. This would point to a continuation of a living text tradition, and should therefore be viewed positively.

In the catalogue the manuscripts have been categorized as follows: Babad (historical and legendary texts), Islam, Piwulang (suluk and texts containing lessons and instruction), Primbon (divination), Sastra (stories derived from Islamic and pre-Islamic times), and Lain-lain (others, including texts on dance and music, customs and language, and so on). The catalogue follows a tested scheme and mentions title, shelf number, language and script, prose or poetry, number of pages and lines per page, dimensions, and writing materi­als used. If a manuscript contains a poetic text, the names of the verse forms and the first two lines of each verse form are provided. Each description also offers a summary of the content, and information about the time of writing and the history of the manuscript, if available.

The catalogue is a sound piece of work, offers photos of stunningly beautiful manuscripts, and provides researchers with the initial information required for planning a future study. It also gives a useful overview of the contents of the collection as a whole. What is unfortunately lacking is some information about how the collection was put together over the years.

The C-DATS-TUFS catalogues

The three catalogues that follow are the result of projects by the Centre for Documentation and Area-Transcultural Studies of the Tokyo University of Foreign Studies (C-DATS-TUFS), founded in 2002. TUFS has the largest collection of historical materials in Asian and African languages in Japan. It aspires to collect and preserve materials in Asian and African languages and to make them available to the whole world through computer networks. In preparing catalogues of Indonesian collections it cooperates with the Yayasan Naskah Nusantara (YANASSA) and the Masyarakat Naskah Nusantara (MAN ASS A). Apart from cataloguing efforts, the manuscripts are also digitalized. The website (www.tufs.ac.jp/21coe/area) mentions that the digitalization has resulted in 175 CD-ROMS. In addition to the Indonesian title, the catalogues have also been provided with an English title, even though the books are written in Indonesian without accompanying English translation.

Katalog Naskah Palembang

This is the first catalogue to be published in the framework of the C-DATS-TUFS projects. Its main editor is Achadiati Ikram, one of Indonesia’s outstanding philologists and chairperson of YANASSA. In this project she was assisted by no fewer than thirteen people, all of whom are involved in manuscript studies at various universities and at the Indonesian National Library.

The catalogue proper is preceded by an introduction that mentions that the core team members of the project visited Palembang in July 2003 to con­sult the collections that had been selected for inclusion in the project before their arrival. Apparently more collections are available than the ones chosen. What other collections there are and why some collections were chosen and not others are not explained, unfortunately.

The book gives some information about the individuals who own the man­uscripts. Three of them are related to descendants of the Palembang Sultans; one of them, R.H. Mas Syafei Prabu Diraja, is the inheritor of the Sultanate. Owners of religious manuscripts are usually of Arab descent, work as religious instructors (guru mengaji), and have very few resources to properly store man­uscripts. The names and addresses of thirteen owners are mentioned, leaving the reader to imagine who the others – who are only referred to as ‘lain-lain’, ‘others’ – might be. This is followed by brief information on the personalities and collections of ten of the thirteen individuals. Unfortunately, here again, the reader is left to wonder who the others are and what their collections are about. Some photos showing how manuscripts are stored, and portraits of thirteen of the owners, enliven the catalogue and provide the collections with a human face: manuscripts are human-made and human-owned.

For each manuscript is listed: title, language and script, prose or poetry, number of pages and number of lines per page, dimensions, and kind of paper used. Each manuscript has been given two codes. One code indicates the collection and the number of the manuscript in that collection. The manu­scripts are not listed by owner but rather by category. The second code thus starts with an abbreviation of the category of the manuscript, the number in that category, and an abbreviation of the name of the owner. Seventeen cate­gories have been used: Astronomi (astronomy, As), Bahasa (language, Bh), Doa (prayers, Do), Fikih (jurisprudence, Fk), Hadis (Hadith, Hd), Hikayat (prose fiction, Hk), Ilmu Kalam (theology, IK), Lain-lain (others, LL), Obat-Obatan (medicine, OB), Primbon (divination, Pr), Qur’an (Qr), Sejarah (history, Sj), Silsilah (genealogy, SI), Surat (letters, Sy), Syair (poetry, Sr), Tasawuf (Sufism, Ts), and Wayang (shadow theatre, Wy). In the catalogue individual letters have been treated as full manuscripts. Because of this rather complicated system, putting together the collections of each individual owner is a puzzle, since no lists are provided of manuscripts preserved in the same collection. This makes the catalogue inconvenient for scholars interested in collections rather than in specific manuscripts.

The last part of the introduction deals with writers, scribes and scriptoria and is a useful place to start. As with so many writing traditions in the archi­pelago, we still have enormous gaps in our knowledge, so that any informa­tion is welcome.

Katalogus manuskrip dan skriptorium Minangkabau

In West Sumatra there are still hundreds of manuscripts in private hands, and no fewer than 26 private and semi-private collections are catalogued in this book. Some general information about ownership and ways of transmission is provided.

Previously it was thought that the literary tradition of Minangkabau was overwhelmingly oral and that there were only 371 extant manuscripts, which were kept in Europe (mainly in Leiden) and in the Indonesian National Library (p. 3), and that no others existed. In the present book 280 more manuscripts have been added to that number, letters being regarded as full manuscripts. Most of the letters are in the possession of private individuals, whereas other manuscripts are usually owned by descendants of princely families in the Minangkabau area. The manuscripts are usually written by people connected to prayer houses or by teachers of mystic brotherhoods, tarekat (p. 21). The manuscripts in the collections catalogued are overwhelm­ingly of an Islamic nature (90 per cent of them are in the hands of religious teachers and prayer houses of mystic brotherhoods, p. 21) and the manu­scripts have been categorized as follows: Qur’an, Tafsir Qur’an (Quranic exe­gesis), Kitab Tasaufdan Tauhid (Sufism and doctrine of the unity of God), Fiqih (jurisprudence), Undang-undang (Tambo Adat) Minangkabau (Minangkabau laws and regulations), Sejarah dan Silsilah (history and genealogy), Surat-surat (letters), Perobatan, Adzimat, dan Ramalan (medicine, amulets and divination), Bahasa Arab (Arabic language), and Khotbah (sermons). Apparently, nowadays manuscripts of a religious nature are seldom opened again, whereas letters and lists of genealogies still are, and the number of people still engaged in copying and writing manuscripts can be counted on the fingers of one hand.

Photos of Surau Paseban, Surau Bintungan Tinggi, Surau Batang Kapet, and the Istana Made Rubiah di Lunang are included, in addition to a very long manuscript from Inderapura and its owner. Many manuscripts have been photographed as well, and many photos illustrate the descriptions. Unfortunately, there are no photos of the owners.

The listing of manuscripts uses a numbering system devised specifi­cally for this catalogue. The numbers contain the code MM for Manuskrip Minangkabau, a code for the classification of the manuscripts as mentioned above, the name of the owner, and a number indicating the place of the man­uscript in the collection. For each manuscript is given: title, content, owner, scribe, colophon, watermark, and the beginning and end of the text.

Katalog naskah All Hasjmy Aceh

If the Leiden collections are legendary among Indonesians, it is safe to say that the collection put together by Prof. Tengku H. Ali Hasjmy (1914-1998) is legendary among Acehnese. The collection is preserved in the Yayasan Pendidikan dan Museum Ali Hasjmy (YPAH) in Banda Aceh. 314 manuscripts were collected in a very short time, between 1992 and 1995 (p. vii).

The editors’ introduction discusses the effect the 26 December 2004 earth­quake and subsequent tsunami had on the manuscript collections preserved in Aceh. The collections of the Pusat Dokumentasi dan Informasi Aceh (PDIA) and the Balai Kajian Sejarah dan Nilai Tradisional and those kept in private col­lections in the area destroyed by the tsunami were completely and irretriev­ably lost. This means that the collections of the Museum Negeri Propinsi and the YPAH are still extant. How many manuscripts were lost due to this single catastrophic event is anyone’s guess, but I fear they are many. This tragic event shows clearly and unequivocally that manuscripts are vulnerable. Certainly a large part of the written Acehnese tradition has been lost.

As a result of the tsunami, the TUFS Aceh Project for the Preservation of Cultural Heritage was set up in March 2005 to catalogue private collections of manuscripts in Aceh which were not easily accessible to a wider public. The present catalogue is the first catalogue of Acehnese manuscripts to see the light and others are planned.

The manuscripts are categorized as follows: Qur’an, Hadis, Tafsir (exege­sis), Tauhid (doctrine of God’s unity), Fikih (jurisprudence), Tasawuf (Sufism), Tatabahasa (grammar), Zikir dan Doa (prayers), Hikayat (prose fiction), and Lain-lain (others), and are grouped in this way in the catalogue. The intro­duction is excellent and provides a detailed description of how the catalogue was put together. The information provided for each manuscript is: title, shelf number, language, number of pages, kind of paper used, prose or poetry, dimensions, and number of lines per page. Information on condition and authorship is sometimes given, and for a number of manuscripts content summaries are added. The book ends with photos of the late Mr Ali Hasjmy and his institute.

One thing I find curious is unfortunately not explained. All the manu­scripts have been assigned a new code to replace the code they had in the YPAH. Why? In general I am not in favour of replacing an existing number­ing system. It usually gives rise to enormous problems of identification, for instance, when numbers are lost in the manuscript for whatever reason, when lists of old numbers and corresponding new ones are lost, or when the new numbers do not adequately match up with the old numbering system. This has been catastrophic, for instance, for the collection in the Museum NTB (Nusa Tenggara Barat) in Ampenan-Mataram, Lombok, and there are other instances as well. Luckily, in the present catalogue, both numbers have been included so that matching should not be a problem. In the case of the YPAH collection, many manuscripts apparently had no number at all (curiously, none of the Quranic ones had) and it would be interesting to know why.

Another point of interest not addressed is how the collection was acquired. The editors note that most of the manuscripts are of a religious nature, but may this perhaps simply be due to the fact that Mr Hasjmy was more inter­ested in those? The reader is left with many questions unanswered, whereas answers might have been found if the right questions had been posed during the investigative part of the cataloguing process.

Jajat Burhanudin provided the chapter ‘Naskah dan Tradisi Intelektual-Keagamaan di Aceh’ (‘Manuscripts and the religio-intellectual tradition in Aceh’). It is a useful initial introduction, but I fear he has downplayed the role of fiction and other texts in favour of those of a religious character. I cannot believe that the entire Acehnese literary corpus was solely Islamic inspired, which is more or less suggested here. Much more research is needed to understand the exact nature of this literary tradition.

Conclusion

The catalogues reviewed here are useful and beautifully produced tools for further research in philology, codicology, and of course textual studies. They show admirably that many manuscripts are still ‘out there’ and that the knowledge we have of collections, collectors, and scriptoria is still in its infancy. If similar catalogues of manuscripts in private hands in Bali and Lombok, for instance, were to be compiled, they would need to be printed in multiple volumes, because thousands and thousands of manuscripts in hundreds and hundreds of collections are there waiting to be covered. For Bali alone, we need only think of the valuable information provided in the transliterations of Balinese manuscripts in the famous ‘Proyek Tik’ collection initiated by C. Hooykaas and continued by Hedi Hinzler in close cooperation with the late I Gusti Ngurah Ketut Sangka and presently with I Dewa Cede Catra. The number of collections and owners covered in this project is astounding, yet it forms only a small part of the collections existing on the island. It makes one ponder once more the richness of Indonesia’s literary traditions.

The descriptions of the manuscripts are interesting for a number of rea­sons apart from the obvious ones. They reveal the way manuscripts are treat­ed and preserved, and indicate most alarmingly that many of the manuscripts are seriously damaged or otherwise in very poor condition and are preserved in unfavourable circumstances. This means that action is needed to ensure that the manuscripts survive. Edwin Wieringa’s remark, in the introduction to the Aceh catalogue (p. v), that the next step should be to photograph the manuscripts in their entirety is therefore pertinent and ought to be taken up by the Indonesian and international community as a priority. However, in all our efforts to catalogue, preserve and conserve manuscripts, we should not forget to edit, translate, and explain them as well. This too should be a prior­ity for the Indonesian and international communities.

The fact that in the compilation of these catalogues many local scholars, from Universitas Gadjah Mada Yogyakarta, Universitas Sriwijaya (Palembang), Universitas Andalas (Padang, Minangkabau), IAIN Imam Bonjol (Padang, Minangkabau) and LAIN Al-Raniri (Aceh), cooperated with scholars from the Universitas Indonesia and the Pusat Pengkajian Islam dan Masyarakat (PPIM) Universitas Islam Negeri Syarif Hidayarullah, and from MANASSA and YANASSA, offers hope for increasing understanding and appreciation of the Indonesian scriptural heritage, and for future text editions.

References

Chambert-Loir, Henri and Oman Fathurahman

1999 Khazanah naskah; Panduan koleksi naskah Indonesia sedunia/World guide to
Indonesian manuscript collections. Jakarta: Yayasan Obor Indonesia and
EFEO.

Dewantara, Ki Hadjar

1967 ‘Beoefening van letteren en kunst in het Pakoealamsche geslacht’, in:
Karya Ki Hadjar Dewantara, bagian II A: Kebudajaan. Jogjakarta: Madjelis-
Luhur Persatuan Taman-Siswa.

Girardet, N.

1983 Descriptive catalogue of the Javanese manuscripts and printed books in the
main libraries ofSurakarta and ‘Yogyakarta. Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner.

Hasjmy, A.

1976 Syarah Ruba’i Hamzah Fansuri oleh Syamsuddin al-Sumatrani. Kuala Lum­
pur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka.

1977 Apa sebab rakyat Aceh sanggup berperang puluhan tahun melawan agressi
Belanda. Jakarta: Bulan Bintang. [Edition of the Acehnese Syair Perang
Sabil.]

1984 ‘Hamzah Fansuri sastrawan Sufi abad XVII’, in: Abdul Hadi W.M. and
L.K. Ara (eds), Hamzah Fansuri penyair Sufi Aceh; Buku peringatan Malam
Hamzah Fansuri 22 Ogos di Taman Ismail Marzuki, pp. 5-11. Jakarta: Lot-
kala.

Ikram, Achadiati

2002 Katalog naskah Buton koleksi Abdul Mulku Zahari. Jakarta: Manassa.

Meij, Th.C. van der

1994 Troyek pendataan/pemetaan keberadaan naskah Lontar Lombok; Gen­
eral report’. Unpublished report for the Indonesian National Library.

2002 Puspakrema; A Javanese romance from Lombok. Leiden: Research School of

Asian, African, and Amerindian Studies, Universiteit Leiden. Mukhlis Paeni

2003 Katalog induk naskah-naskah Nusantara: Sulawesi Selatan. Jakarta: Arsip

Nasional.

Yamamoto, Haruki, and Andareas S. Lingga
1990 ‘Catalogue of the Batak manuscripts in the Simalungun Museum’, Nam-

po-Bunka; Tenri Bulletin of South Asian Studies 17 (November):l-18.

Notes

1 For a detailed overview of collections of Indonesian manuscripts in the world, see Chamber-Loir and Fathurahman 1999.

2 Dewantara 1967:284. Translated from the Dutch; originally published in an anniversary bro­chure dedicated to H.H. Kangjeng Gusti Pangeran Adipati Arya Paku Alam VII.

3 The present catalogue does not describe all the manuscripts belonging to the Pakualaman library. The reasons for selecting some for cataloguing, and not others, are not mentioned.

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Recent Catalogues of Indonesian Manuscripts : A Review

December 16, 2008

Published in Bidjdragen, tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 164.2/3 2008

Sri Ratna Saktimulya (ed.), Katalog Naskah-naskah Perpustakaan Pura Pakualaman. Jakarta: Yayasan Obor Indonesia and the Toyota Foundation, 2005, xix + 314 pp. ISBN 9794615234. Paperback.

Achadiati Ikram (ed.), Katalog Naskah Palembang/Catalogue of Palembang Manuscripts. Tokyo: Centre for Documentation and Area-Transcultural Studies, Tokyo University of Foreign Studies, 2004, 324 pp. ISBN 492524308X. Paperback.

M. Yusuf (ed.), Katalogus Manuskrip dan Skriptorium Minangkabau. Tokyo: Centre for Documentation and Area-Transcultural Studies, Tokyo University of Foreign Studies, 2006, ix + 295 pp. ISBN 4925243209. Paperback.

Oman Fathurahman and Munawar Holil (eds), Katalog Naskah Ali Hasjmy Aceh/Catalogue of Aceh Manuscripts: Ali Hasjmy Collection. Tokyo: Centre for Documentation and Area-Transcultural Studies, Tokyo University of Foreign Studies, 2007, xv + 304 pp. ISBN 4925243285. Paperback.

Dick van der Meij

Universitas Islam Negeri Syarif Hidayatullah, Jakarta

dickvdm2005@yahoo.com

Indonesian manuscript collections are scattered over libraries and museums around the globe and a good number of them have been catalogued in the past or are in the process of being catalogued.1 Manuscripts in many Indonesian public libraries and semi-public collections have also been catalogued, some of them through an extensive project funded by the Ford Foundation in the 1980s and 1990s. As for collections outside Indonesia, catalogues have in many cases been published by well-known publishers, making them easy to come by. Catalogues published in Indonesia, though, are usually available for only a short time in local bookshops and thereafter disappear from bookstore shelves forever. It is therefore advisable to purchase these catalogues as soon as they see the light.

In addition to catalogues, many small collections and at times even single manuscripts have been described in scholarly journals. Sometimes they appear in unexpected journals and are therefore in danger of escaping the notice of researchers (for instance: Yamamoto and Lingga 1990).

In the last couple of years four catalogues of semi-public and private col­lections in Java and Sumatra have been published with grants from Japan. The Pakualaman catalogue was sponsored by the Toyota Foundation, whereas the other three on Sumatran collections were sponsored by the 21st Century Centre of Excellence Programme of the Centre for Documentation and Area-Transcultural Studies of Tokyo University of Foreign Studies. It is easy to see that Indonesian catalogue productions are indeed international matters: after the Dutch took the first steps during the Dutch East Indies era and well beyond, other Europeans followed; the task was subsequently taken up by Americans, mostly through the Ford Foundation, while at present efforts are increasingly undertaken by Japanese institutions. The catalogues produced in all these projects more and more often result from intensive cooperation between Indonesian and foreign experts.

It is extremely important to have semi-public and private collections catalogued and their contents made available to a wide audience of scholars and interested students of culture and literature. Many conclusions about manuscripts and literary competencies in Indonesian areas are based on studies restricted to public manuscript collections (whether outside or inside Indonesia). These conclusions are sometimes highly speculative, as the situa­tion in which, in many areas, manuscripts are/were made and how they are/ were used is often unknown due to lack of in-depth research into the matter.

The importance of the fact that many manuscripts are kept in collections by people in their own private surroundings cannot be underestimated. Knowledge about these private collections adds enormously to our under­standing of the significance and popularity of texts now and in the past. Taking private collections into consideration adds to our quantitative knowl­edge about the materials collected and preserved in public collections.

Another issue is that browsing public collections alone may provide a distorted picture of the manuscript reality in Indonesian areas. It is very hard to tell whether or not a collection is representative of the local situation. Scholars have insufficient information at their disposal as to why people who donated their collections to public libraries themselves collected the manuscripts they had and when and how they were acquired. We also have little understanding of the purchasing dynamics of libraries and the reasons why certain manuscripts were deemed fit for acquisition and not others. It is not hard to predict what will be purchased when a library is faced with the choice between a beautifully written, probably complete manuscript and an ugly and seemingly incomplete one. Even though the second may be much more interesting for scholars than the first, few libraries will be able to resist buying the first instead of the second, especially if no in-depth research on the texts contained in them has been conducted. Personal relationships and preferences may have been more decisive in the buying process than the care­ful building up of a representative collection. In the past, when conservators of manuscripts were themselves scholars, they of course brought their own preferences to the job and tended to acquire those manuscripts they wanted to study themselves or those that reflected their scholarly tastes. Tastes and interests, however, change over time and we usually do not have adequate insight into particular purchases or, much more interesting, the number and kind of manuscripts that were rejected by individuals and institutions and therefore returned to obscurity.

Private collections abound all over Indonesia. This is the case in Bali, where manuscripts continue to be written to this day and important col­lections are preserved in the palaces and houses of nobles and high priests, not to mention smaller and larger collections belonging to other private individuals. This is also the case among the Sasak and Balinese communities in Lombok (Van der Meij 1994; 2002:166-170); in South Sulawesi among the Buginese and Makassarese (Mukhlis Paeni 2003); in Buton (Achadiati Ikram 2002); and among the various peoples of Sumatra; while on Java and Madura manuscripts in palace and private hands are preserved in great numbers as well. Unlike the situation in other parts of the world, it may very well be that in Indonesia significantly more manuscripts are privately owned rather than kept in public and semi-public collections, the most important of which are the Perpustakaan Nasional in Jakarta, Universitas Indonesia, British and other European collections, the various palaces and residences of princes and nobles in Java and Bali, and the Leiden collections, which for many Indonesians have attained legendary status.

Before going into detail about each of the catalogues under review, some remarks pertaining to all the catalogues may be useful. Firstly, all the catalogues contain many photos of manuscripts. However, why these par­ticular photos are included and not photos of other manuscripts is nowhere explained. Sometimes this leads to such questions as: on page 144 of the Palembang catalogue, why was the sword not portrayed? I was surprised to see a sword being considered a manuscript, so it would have interested me to see an illustration of it. The notion of ‘manuscript’ in this collection evidently extends to artefacts that are not usually regarded as manuscripts at all. Secondly, the physical condition of the manuscripts is described in a vari­ety of terms ranging from ‘good’ to ‘extremely bad’. Indonesian codicology needs to explain terms more carefully, and to use standardized terminology to describe physical conditions so that these may be more accurately gleaned from the description. For instance, in the Aceh catalogue, manuscripts that have been eaten by woodworm, contain holes, or have suffered wear and tear are variously called tidak terlalu baik (not too good, p. 77), kurang baik (poor, pp. 39, 43), rusak (damaged, p. 29), or rusak parah (extremely damaged, p. 16), even though the general descriptions of the condition of the manuscripts do not differ much. The Minangkabau catalogue uses slightly different vocabu­lary for this (apart from rusak, which is found in all the catalogues), such as cukup baik (reasonably good, p. 57), mulai rusak (starting to get damaged, p. 61), sangat buruk (very bad, p. 35), rusak berat (extremely damaged, p. 70), and, the most revealing designations, masih bagus (still OK, p. 80), masih cukup baik (still reasonably good, p. 73), and masih baik (still good, p. 87). By using the word masih (still), the editor seems to suggest that deterioration may happen at any time, and since the other catalogues also use the expression they evi­dently share this point of view. Curiously, the catalogue of the Pakualaman collection does not mention the condition of manuscripts at all, probably for diplomatic and deferential reasons. It is a pity, though, that the condition of the manuscripts at the palace, where one would expect standards of preserva­tion to be higher, cannot be compared to that of manuscripts preserved in far less favourable conditions.

The evaluation of the condition of a manuscript is of course subjective and may depend on one’s mood and one’s overall assessment of a collection. It may moreover change over time, as one gains more experience in a specific kind of manuscript and as one becomes more tolerant. A better idea might be to indicate the consequences of the extent of damage and deterioration in terms of the manuscript’s suitability for a possible text edition. If an indica­tion could be given of the amount of text that has become illegible or lost, a prospective editor would have some idea as to whether it is worthwhile to take the trouble of consulting the manuscript at all. A more standardized and less impressionistic assessment of condition might also be useful for restora­tion purposes and result in suggestions for improved preservation, an issue not addressed in any of the catalogues discussed here.

The editors of the Aceh catalogue seem to see a relationship between the physical condition of a manuscript and the number of empty pages found in it (for example, pp. 34, 63, 101) which I fail to see. We do not know precisely how manuscripts were made, so the empty pages may be there for a reason we do not yet grasp and may therefore have no relevance for an assessment of the manuscript’s condition. The editor of the Palembang catalogue confuses the condition of a manuscript and the loss of pages. A manuscript may be in excellent condition even though half of it is gone. And a manuscript may be crucial for an understanding of codicological and other scriptorial features while being completely worthless for a text edition.

Since collections and scriptoria have become more and more of a focus in manuscript studies, it is a pity that so little information about the owners and the way they collected their manuscripts, and how they preserve and use them, is offered in the present books. Only minimal information is provided about the scriptoria in Minangkabau and the surau (prayer houses) in which they are preserved up to the present, and information is completely lacking about the owners of the manuscripts catalogued. The fifty manuscripts found, for example, in surau Paseban in Kecamatan Koto Tangah, Kota Padang, are mentioned, but only the number of manuscripts preserved there is indicated, and none of their titles, so that the information is rather useless at this stage. The same holds for the other surau mentioned. No biographical information is given about Ali Hasjmy, even though he was himself interested in manu­scripts and wrote about Acehnese and Malay literature (for example: Hasjmy 1976, 1977,1984). He was, moreover, a member of the Pujangga Baru literary circle, and has no fewer than forty titles to his name. Information about the owners in Palembang is minimal. The Pura Pakualaman is apparently consid­ered to be so well known that no information on it is provided. I think this is a missed opportunity, and may be due to too little time spent on reflecting on the projects’ expected outcomes.

Perpustakaan Pura Pakualaman

In 1931, Ki Hadjar Dewantara wrote the following about literature and the literary tradition in the Pakualaman court:

If up to now the general public has been left unaware of this beautiful tradition, this has to be understood, in my view, as reflecting the high level of religious de­votion among the people belonging to the Pakualaman court. They would have considered it profane to publish the texts passed down to them, and none would have dared to take responsibility for this.2

Apparently the people of the Pakualaman palace have subsequently shed their shyness, and opened up their literary heritage for the benefit of the interested public.3

When Girardet (1983) inventoried the manuscripts in the library of the Pakualaman palace in Yogyakarta in the 1980s, he encountered 195 manu­scripts. The present catalogue of the same collection contains not 195, but 251 manuscripts, since many that were in the hands of the extended Pakualaman family have since been deposited in the library. However, other manuscripts he found have not been rediscovered and are therefore not included in the present catalogue, the material for which was assembled between December 2002 and November 2003. This phenomenon – a listed manuscript that is no longer to be found in a private or semi-public collection – is a recurrent one in Indonesia. It is usually seen as negative (as if outsiders have any right to make demands on private collections to begin with!), but I suggest viewing it from a different angle. Perhaps the manuscript is not lost at all, but was not present in the collection at the time the catalogue was compiled because it was being used. This would point to a continuation of a living text tradition, and should therefore be viewed positively.

In the catalogue the manuscripts have been categorized as follows: Babad (historical and legendary texts), Islam, Piwulang (suluk and texts containing lessons and instruction), Primbon (divination), Sastra (stories derived from Islamic and pre-Islamic times), and Lain-lain (others, including texts on dance and music, customs and language, and so on). The catalogue follows a tested scheme and mentions title, shelf number, language and script, prose or poetry, number of pages and lines per page, dimensions, and writing materi­als used. If a manuscript contains a poetic text, the names of the verse forms and the first two lines of each verse form are provided. Each description also offers a summary of the content, and information about the time of writing and the history of the manuscript, if available.

The catalogue is a sound piece of work, offers photos of stunningly beautiful manuscripts, and provides researchers with the initial information required for planning a future study. It also gives a useful overview of the contents of the collection as a whole. What is unfortunately lacking is some information about how the collection was put together over the years.

The C-DATS-TUFS catalogues

The three catalogues that follow are the result of projects by the Centre for Documentation and Area-Transcultural Studies of the Tokyo University of Foreign Studies (C-DATS-TUFS), founded in 2002. TUFS has the largest collection of historical materials in Asian and African languages in Japan. It aspires to collect and preserve materials in Asian and African languages and to make them available to the whole world through computer networks. In preparing catalogues of Indonesian collections it cooperates with the Yayasan Naskah Nusantara (YANASSA) and the Masyarakat Naskah Nusantara (MAN ASS A). Apart from cataloguing efforts, the manuscripts are also digitalized. The website (www.tufs.ac.jp/21coe/area) mentions that the digitalization has resulted in 175 CD-ROMS. In addition to the Indonesian title, the catalogues have also been provided with an English title, even though the books are written in Indonesian without accompanying English translation.

Katalog Naskah Palembang

This is the first catalogue to be published in the framework of the C-DATS-TUFS projects. Its main editor is Achadiati Ikram, one of Indonesia’s outstanding philologists and chairperson of YANASSA. In this project she was assisted by no fewer than thirteen people, all of whom are involved in manuscript studies at various universities and at the Indonesian National Library.

The catalogue proper is preceded by an introduction that mentions that the core team members of the project visited Palembang in July 2003 to con­sult the collections that had been selected for inclusion in the project before their arrival. Apparently more collections are available than the ones chosen. What other collections there are and why some collections were chosen and not others are not explained, unfortunately.

The book gives some information about the individuals who own the man­uscripts. Three of them are related to descendants of the Palembang Sultans; one of them, R.H. Mas Syafei Prabu Diraja, is the inheritor of the Sultanate. Owners of religious manuscripts are usually of Arab descent, work as religious instructors (guru mengaji), and have very few resources to properly store man­uscripts. The names and addresses of thirteen owners are mentioned, leaving the reader to imagine who the others – who are only referred to as ‘lain-lain’, ‘others’ – might be. This is followed by brief information on the personalities and collections of ten of the thirteen individuals. Unfortunately, here again, the reader is left to wonder who the others are and what their collections are about. Some photos showing how manuscripts are stored, and portraits of thirteen of the owners, enliven the catalogue and provide the collections with a human face: manuscripts are human-made and human-owned.

For each manuscript is listed: title, language and script, prose or poetry, number of pages and number of lines per page, dimensions, and kind of paper used. Each manuscript has been given two codes. One code indicates the collection and the number of the manuscript in that collection. The manu­scripts are not listed by owner but rather by category. The second code thus starts with an abbreviation of the category of the manuscript, the number in that category, and an abbreviation of the name of the owner. Seventeen cate­gories have been used: Astronomi (astronomy, As), Bahasa (language, Bh), Doa (prayers, Do), Fikih (jurisprudence, Fk), Hadis (Hadith, Hd), Hikayat (prose fiction, Hk), Ilmu Kalam (theology, IK), Lain-lain (others, LL), Obat-Obatan (medicine, OB), Primbon (divination, Pr), Qur’an (Qr), Sejarah (history, Sj), Silsilah (genealogy, SI), Surat (letters, Sy), Syair (poetry, Sr), Tasawuf (Sufism, Ts), and Wayang (shadow theatre, Wy). In the catalogue individual letters have been treated as full manuscripts. Because of this rather complicated system, putting together the collections of each individual owner is a puzzle, since no lists are provided of manuscripts preserved in the same collection. This makes the catalogue inconvenient for scholars interested in collections rather than in specific manuscripts.

The last part of the introduction deals with writers, scribes and scriptoria and is a useful place to start. As with so many writing traditions in the archi­pelago, we still have enormous gaps in our knowledge, so that any informa­tion is welcome.

Katalogus manuskrip dan skriptorium Minangkabau

In West Sumatra there are still hundreds of manuscripts in private hands, and no fewer than 26 private and semi-private collections are catalogued in this book. Some general information about ownership and ways of transmission is provided.

Previously it was thought that the literary tradition of Minangkabau was overwhelmingly oral and that there were only 371 extant manuscripts, which were kept in Europe (mainly in Leiden) and in the Indonesian National Library (p. 3), and that no others existed. In the present book 280 more manuscripts have been added to that number, letters being regarded as full manuscripts. Most of the letters are in the possession of private individuals, whereas other manuscripts are usually owned by descendants of princely families in the Minangkabau area. The manuscripts are usually written by people connected to prayer houses or by teachers of mystic brotherhoods, tarekat (p. 21). The manuscripts in the collections catalogued are overwhelm­ingly of an Islamic nature (90 per cent of them are in the hands of religious teachers and prayer houses of mystic brotherhoods, p. 21) and the manu­scripts have been categorized as follows: Qur’an, Tafsir Qur’an (Quranic exe­gesis), Kitab Tasaufdan Tauhid (Sufism and doctrine of the unity of God), Fiqih (jurisprudence), Undang-undang (Tambo Adat) Minangkabau (Minangkabau laws and regulations), Sejarah dan Silsilah (history and genealogy), Surat-surat (letters), Perobatan, Adzimat, dan Ramalan (medicine, amulets and divination), Bahasa Arab (Arabic language), and Khotbah (sermons). Apparently, nowadays manuscripts of a religious nature are seldom opened again, whereas letters and lists of genealogies still are, and the number of people still engaged in copying and writing manuscripts can be counted on the fingers of one hand.

Photos of Surau Paseban, Surau Bintungan Tinggi, Surau Batang Kapet, and the Istana Made Rubiah di Lunang are included, in addition to a very long manuscript from Inderapura and its owner. Many manuscripts have been photographed as well, and many photos illustrate the descriptions. Unfortunately, there are no photos of the owners.

The listing of manuscripts uses a numbering system devised specifi­cally for this catalogue. The numbers contain the code MM for Manuskrip Minangkabau, a code for the classification of the manuscripts as mentioned above, the name of the owner, and a number indicating the place of the man­uscript in the collection. For each manuscript is given: title, content, owner, scribe, colophon, watermark, and the beginning and end of the text.

Katalog naskah All Hasjmy Aceh

If the Leiden collections are legendary among Indonesians, it is safe to say that the collection put together by Prof. Tengku H. Ali Hasjmy (1914-1998) is legendary among Acehnese. The collection is preserved in the Yayasan Pendidikan dan Museum Ali Hasjmy (YPAH) in Banda Aceh. 314 manuscripts were collected in a very short time, between 1992 and 1995 (p. vii).

The editors’ introduction discusses the effect the 26 December 2004 earth­quake and subsequent tsunami had on the manuscript collections preserved in Aceh. The collections of the Pusat Dokumentasi dan Informasi Aceh (PDIA) and the Balai Kajian Sejarah dan Nilai Tradisional and those kept in private col­lections in the area destroyed by the tsunami were completely and irretriev­ably lost. This means that the collections of the Museum Negeri Propinsi and the YPAH are still extant. How many manuscripts were lost due to this single catastrophic event is anyone’s guess, but I fear they are many. This tragic event shows clearly and unequivocally that manuscripts are vulnerable. Certainly a large part of the written Acehnese tradition has been lost.

As a result of the tsunami, the TUFS Aceh Project for the Preservation of Cultural Heritage was set up in March 2005 to catalogue private collections of manuscripts in Aceh which were not easily accessible to a wider public. The present catalogue is the first catalogue of Acehnese manuscripts to see the light and others are planned.

The manuscripts are categorized as follows: Qur’an, Hadis, Tafsir (exege­sis), Tauhid (doctrine of God’s unity), Fikih (jurisprudence), Tasawuf (Sufism), Tatabahasa (grammar), Zikir dan Doa (prayers), Hikayat (prose fiction), and Lain-lain (others), and are grouped in this way in the catalogue. The intro­duction is excellent and provides a detailed description of how the catalogue was put together. The information provided for each manuscript is: title, shelf number, language, number of pages, kind of paper used, prose or poetry, dimensions, and number of lines per page. Information on condition and authorship is sometimes given, and for a number of manuscripts content summaries are added. The book ends with photos of the late Mr Ali Hasjmy and his institute.

One thing I find curious is unfortunately not explained. All the manu­scripts have been assigned a new code to replace the code they had in the YPAH. Why? In general I am not in favour of replacing an existing number­ing system. It usually gives rise to enormous problems of identification, for instance, when numbers are lost in the manuscript for whatever reason, when lists of old numbers and corresponding new ones are lost, or when the new numbers do not adequately match up with the old numbering system. This has been catastrophic, for instance, for the collection in the Museum NTB (Nusa Tenggara Barat) in Ampenan-Mataram, Lombok, and there are other instances as well. Luckily, in the present catalogue, both numbers have been included so that matching should not be a problem. In the case of the YPAH collection, many manuscripts apparently had no number at all (curiously, none of the Quranic ones had) and it would be interesting to know why.

Another point of interest not addressed is how the collection was acquired. The editors note that most of the manuscripts are of a religious nature, but may this perhaps simply be due to the fact that Mr Hasjmy was more inter­ested in those? The reader is left with many questions unanswered, whereas answers might have been found if the right questions had been posed during the investigative part of the cataloguing process.

Jajat Burhanudin provided the chapter ‘Naskah dan Tradisi Intelektual-Keagamaan di Aceh’ (‘Manuscripts and the religio-intellectual tradition in Aceh’). It is a useful initial introduction, but I fear he has downplayed the role of fiction and other texts in favour of those of a religious character. I cannot believe that the entire Acehnese literary corpus was solely Islamic inspired, which is more or less suggested here. Much more research is needed to understand the exact nature of this literary tradition.

Conclusion

The catalogues reviewed here are useful and beautifully produced tools for further research in philology, codicology, and of course textual studies. They show admirably that many manuscripts are still ‘out there’ and that the knowledge we have of collections, collectors, and scriptoria is still in its infancy. If similar catalogues of manuscripts in private hands in Bali and Lombok, for instance, were to be compiled, they would need to be printed in multiple volumes, because thousands and thousands of manuscripts in hundreds and hundreds of collections are there waiting to be covered. For Bali alone, we need only think of the valuable information provided in the transliterations of Balinese manuscripts in the famous ‘Proyek Tik’ collection initiated by C. Hooykaas and continued by Hedi Hinzler in close cooperation with the late I Gusti Ngurah Ketut Sangka and presently with I Dewa Cede Catra. The number of collections and owners covered in this project is astounding, yet it forms only a small part of the collections existing on the island. It makes one ponder once more the richness of Indonesia’s literary traditions.

The descriptions of the manuscripts are interesting for a number of rea­sons apart from the obvious ones. They reveal the way manuscripts are treat­ed and preserved, and indicate most alarmingly that many of the manuscripts are seriously damaged or otherwise in very poor condition and are preserved in unfavourable circumstances. This means that action is needed to ensure that the manuscripts survive. Edwin Wieringa’s remark, in the introduction to the Aceh catalogue (p. v), that the next step should be to photograph the manuscripts in their entirety is therefore pertinent and ought to be taken up by the Indonesian and international community as a priority. However, in all our efforts to catalogue, preserve and conserve manuscripts, we should not forget to edit, translate, and explain them as well. This too should be a prior­ity for the Indonesian and international communities.

The fact that in the compilation of these catalogues many local scholars, from Universitas Gadjah Mada Yogyakarta, Universitas Sriwijaya (Palembang), Universitas Andalas (Padang, Minangkabau), IAIN Imam Bonjol (Padang, Minangkabau) and LAIN Al-Raniri (Aceh), cooperated with scholars from the Universitas Indonesia and the Pusat Pengkajian Islam dan Masyarakat (PPIM) Universitas Islam Negeri Syarif Hidayarullah, and from MANASSA and YANASSA, offers hope for increasing understanding and appreciation of the Indonesian scriptural heritage, and for future text editions.

References

Chambert-Loir, Henri and Oman Fathurahman

1999 Khazanah naskah; Panduan koleksi naskah Indonesia sedunia/World guide to
Indonesian manuscript collections. Jakarta: Yayasan Obor Indonesia and
EFEO.

Dewantara, Ki Hadjar

1967 ‘Beoefening van letteren en kunst in het Pakoealamsche geslacht’, in:
Karya Ki Hadjar Dewantara, bagian II A: Kebudajaan. Jogjakarta: Madjelis-
Luhur Persatuan Taman-Siswa.

Girardet, N.

1983 Descriptive catalogue of the Javanese manuscripts and printed books in the
main libraries ofSurakarta and ‘Yogyakarta. Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner.

Hasjmy, A.

1976 Syarah Ruba’i Hamzah Fansuri oleh Syamsuddin al-Sumatrani. Kuala Lum­
pur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka.

1977 Apa sebab rakyat Aceh sanggup berperang puluhan tahun melawan agressi
Belanda. Jakarta: Bulan Bintang. [Edition of the Acehnese Syair Perang
Sabil.]

1984 ‘Hamzah Fansuri sastrawan Sufi abad XVII’, in: Abdul Hadi W.M. and
L.K. Ara (eds), Hamzah Fansuri penyair Sufi Aceh; Buku peringatan Malam
Hamzah Fansuri 22 Ogos di Taman Ismail Marzuki, pp. 5-11. Jakarta: Lot-
kala.

Ikram, Achadiati

2002 Katalog naskah Buton koleksi Abdul Mulku Zahari. Jakarta: Manassa.

Meij, Th.C. van der

1994 Troyek pendataan/pemetaan keberadaan naskah Lontar Lombok; Gen­
eral report’. Unpublished report for the Indonesian National Library.

2002 Puspakrema; A Javanese romance from Lombok. Leiden: Research School of

Asian, African, and Amerindian Studies, Universiteit Leiden. Mukhlis Paeni

2003 Katalog induk naskah-naskah Nusantara: Sulawesi Selatan. Jakarta: Arsip

Nasional.

Yamamoto, Haruki, and Andareas S. Lingga
1990 ‘Catalogue of the Batak manuscripts in the Simalungun Museum’, Nam-

po-Bunka; Tenri Bulletin of South Asian Studies 17 (November):l-18.

Notes

1 For a detailed overview of collections of Indonesian manuscripts in the world, see Chamber-Loir and Fathurahman 1999.

2 Dewantara 1967:284. Translated from the Dutch; originally published in an anniversary bro­chure dedicated to H.H. Kangjeng Gusti Pangeran Adipati Arya Paku Alam VII.

3 The present catalogue does not describe all the manuscripts belonging to the Pakualaman library. The reasons for selecting some for cataloguing, and not others, are not mentioned.

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Tuanku Imam Bonjol: Dikenang Sekaligus Digugat

November 26, 2007

*Catatan: Versi pendek artikel ini dimuat di harian Kompas, 10 November 2007.

Suryadi

Instead, Tuanku Imam Bonjol is remembered, a man who was ultimately a military failure, who was ideologically disillusioned, and for whom a shift from violent action to conciliatory discourse was rewarded with exile and misery (Jeffrey Hadler).

Sepanjang 62 tahun kemerdekaan Indonesia, nama Tuanku Imam Bonjol (TIB) hadir di ruang publik bangsa ini—sebagai nama jalan di banyak kota, nama stadion, nama universitas, bahkan di lembaran 5000-an rupiah keluaran Bank Indonesia 6 November 2001 (lihat ilustrasi). TIB (1772-1864), yang diangkat sebagai pahlawan nasional berdasarkan Surat Keputusan Presiden Republik Indonesia No.087/TK/Tahun 1973, tanggal 6 November 1973, adalah salah seorang pemimpin utama Perang Paderi di Sumatra Barat (1803-1837) yang gigih melawan kolonialis Belanda.

Namun, baru-baru ini muncul petisi yang menggugat gelar kepahlawanan TIB. (more…)

Tuanku Imam Bonjol: Dikenang Sekaligus Digugat

November 26, 2007

*Catatan: Versi pendek artikel ini dimuat di harian Kompas, 10 November 2007.

Suryadi

Instead, Tuanku Imam Bonjol is remembered, a man who was ultimately a military failure, who was ideologically disillusioned, and for whom a shift from violent action to conciliatory discourse was rewarded with exile and misery (Jeffrey Hadler).

Sepanjang 62 tahun kemerdekaan Indonesia, nama Tuanku Imam Bonjol (TIB) hadir di ruang publik bangsa ini—sebagai nama jalan di banyak kota, nama stadion, nama universitas, bahkan di lembaran 5000-an rupiah keluaran Bank Indonesia 6 November 2001 (lihat ilustrasi). TIB (1772-1864), yang diangkat sebagai pahlawan nasional berdasarkan Surat Keputusan Presiden Republik Indonesia No.087/TK/Tahun 1973, tanggal 6 November 1973, adalah salah seorang pemimpin utama Perang Paderi di Sumatra Barat (1803-1837) yang gigih melawan kolonialis Belanda.

Namun, baru-baru ini muncul petisi yang menggugat gelar kepahlawanan TIB. Menurut petisi itu sosok TIB tak layak jadi Pahlawan Nasional Indonesia. Beliau dituduh melanggar hak azasi manusia (HAM) karena pasukan Paderi menginvasi Tanah Batak (1816-1833) yang menewaskan “jutaan” orang di daerah itu (lihat di sini; dikunjungi 18 November 2007). Kekejaman Kaum Paderi disorot lagi dengan diterbitkannya kembali buku M.O. Parlindungan, Pongkinangolngolan Sinamabela Gelar Tuanku Rao: Teror Agama Islam Mazhab Hambali di Tanah Batak, 1816-1833 (2006) (edisi pertama terbit 1964, yang telah dikritisi oleh Hamka, 1974), menyusul kemudian karya Basyral Hamidy Harahap, Greget Tuanku Rao (2007). Kedua penulisnya, yang kebetulan berasal dari Tanah Batak, menceritakan penderitaan nenek moyang mereka dan orang Batak pada umumnya selama serangan tentara Paderi antara 1816-1833 di daerah Mandailing, Bakkara, Angkola, Sipirok, Padang Lawas, dan sekitarnya (Tempo edisi 34/36/15-21 Oktober 2007).

Mitos Kepahlawanan
Munculnya koreksi terhadap wacana sejarah Indonesia belakangan ini, yang juga mencuatkan kritisisme terhadap konsep pahlawan nasional, seharusnya menjadi renungan semua komponen bangsa. Kaum intelektual dan akademis, khususnya sejarawan, adalah pihak yang paling bertanggung jawab jika evaluasi wacana historis itu hanya akan mengakibatkan munculnya friksi di tingkat dasar (masyarakat umum) yang berpotensi memecah-belah bangsa ini.

Ujung pena kaum akademis harus tajam, tapi teks-teks hasil torehannya seyogianya tidak mengandung ‘hawa panas’. Itulah sebabnya dalam tradisi akademis, kata-kata yang bernuansa subjektif dalam teks ilmiah – yang sayangnya diumbar tanpa kontrol dalam buku M.O. Parlidungan (2006 [1964]) – mesti disingkirkan sekuat tenaga oleh para penulis akademis. Kaum akademis dan intelektual adalah palang pintu terakhir untuk menjaga keutuhan bangsa ini di tengah langkanya politikus dan birokrat kita yang layak dijadikan panutan.

Setiap generasi berhak menafsirkan sejarah- (bangsa)nya sendiri. Namun, generasi baru bangsa ini—yang hidup dalam imaji globalisme—harus menyadari juga bahwa negara-bangsa (nation-state) apapun di dunia ini memerlukan mitos-mitos pengukuhan (myth of concern). Sebuah mitos pengukuhan tidaklah buruk. Ia adalah unsur penting yang di-ada-kan sebagai “lem perekat” bangsa. Sosok pahlawan nasional seperti Pangeran Diponegoro, Sultan Hasanuddin, Sisingamangaraja XII,…., juga TIB, adalah bagian dari mitos pengukuhan bangsa Indonesia.

Jeffrey Hadler dalam “An History of Violence and Secular State in Indonesia: Tuanku Imam Bondjol and Uses of History” (akan terbit dalam Journal of Asian Studies, 2008) menunjukkan, kepahlawanan TIB telah dibentuk sejak awal kemerdekaan hingga zaman Orde Baru, dan hal itu setidaknya terkait tiga kepentingan:

Pertama, menciptakan mitos tokoh hero yang gigih melawan Belanda sebagai bagian wacana historis pemersatu bangsa.

Kedua, mengeliminasi wacana radikalisme Islam dalam upaya menciptakan negara-bangsa yang toleran terhadap keragaman agama dan budaya.

Ketiga
, “merangkul” kembali etnis Minang ke haribaan Indonesia yang telah mendapat stigma negatif dalam pandangan pusat akibat peristiwa PRRI (Pemerintahan Revolusioner Republik Indonesia).

Kita tak yakin, sudah adakah biji zarah keindonesiaan di zaman perjuangan TIB dan tokoh lokal lain yang hidup sezaman dengannya, yang kini dikenal sebagai pahlawan nasional.

Kita juga tahu bahwa pada zaman itu perbudakan adalah bagian dari sistem sosial dan beberapa kerajaan tradisional Nusantara melakukan ekspansi teritorial dengan menyerang beberapa kerajaan tetangganya. Para pemimpin lokal berperang melawan Belanda karena didorong semangat kedaerahan, bahkan mungkin dilatarbelakangi keinginan untuk mempertahankan hegemoni sebagai penguasa yang mendapat saingan akibat kedatangan bangsa Barat. Namun, mereka akhirnya menjadi pahlawan nasional karena bangsa memerlukan mitos pemersatu.

Bukan Manusia Sempurna
Tak dapat dimungkiri bahwa Perang Paderi telah meninggalkan kenangan heroik sekaligus traumatik dalam memori kolektif bangsa Indonesia. Selama kurang lebih 20 tahun pertama perang itu (1803-1821) praktis yang saling berbunuhan adalah sesama saudara sendiri—antara sesama orang Minangkabau dan orang Mandailing atau Batak pada umumnya.

Campur tangan Belanda dalam perang itu ditandai dengan penyerangan Simawang dan Sulit Air oleh pasukan Kapten Goffinet dan Kapten Dienema pada awal April 1821 atas perintah Residen James du Puy di Padang. Kompeni melibatkan diri dalam perang itu karena ‘diundang’ oleh Kaum Adat.

Pada 21 Februari 1821 Kaum Adat secara resmi menyerahkan wilayah Luhak Nan Tigo (darek) kepada Belanda yang bersedia membantu mereka memerangi Kaum Paderi. Perjanjian itu diadakan di Padang di bawah sumpah menjunjung al-Qur’an dan disaksikan oleh Panglima Padang, Sutan Raja Mansyur Alamsyah, dan wakilnya, Tuanku Bandaro Rajo Johan (Rusli Amran, Sumatra Barat hingga Plakat Panjang. Jakarta: Sinar Harapan, 1981, hlm. 409). Ikut ‘mengundang’ sisa keluarga Dinasti Pagaruyung di bawah pimpinan Sultan Muningsyah yang selamat dari pembunuhan oleh pasukan Paderi yang dipimpin oleh Tuanku Pasaman di Koto Tangah, dekat Batu Sangkar, pada 1815—bukan 1803 seperti disebutkan oleh Parlindungan, 2007:136-41—(H.M.Lange, Het Nederlandsch Oost-Indisch leger ter Westkust van Sumatra (1819-1845). ‘s Hertogenbosch: Gebroeder Muller,1852: I, hlm. 20-1).

Pada 25 April Sulit Air jauh ke tangan Kompeni setelah mereka sendiri menderita kerugian besar. “Aldus begon onze oorlog met de Padries” (Dengan demikian, peperangan kita dengan Kaum Paderi telah dimulai), demikian tulis seorang opsir Belanda yang tidak menyebutkan namanya (lihat: anonim, “Episoden uit geschiedenis der Nederlandsche krigsverrigtingen op Sumatra’s Westkus”, Indisch Magazijn 12/1, no.7, 1844:116).

Namun, sejak awal 1833, perang itu berubah menjadi perang antara Kaum Adat dan Kaum Agama melawan Belanda. Memorie Tuanku Imam Bonjol (MTIB)—lihat transliterasinya oleh Sjafnir Aboe Nain (Padang: PPIM, 2004), sebuah sumber pribumi yang penting mengenai Perang Paderi yang cenderung diabaikan para sejarawan selama ini—mencatat bagaimana kedua pihak bahu-membahu melawan Belanda. Pihak-pihak yang dulunya bertentangan akhirnya bersatu melawan musuh bersama: Kompeni Belanda. Di ujung penyesalan muncul kesadaran bahwa mengundang Kompeni ke dalam konflik itu telah semakin menyengsarakan masyarakat Minangkabau sendiri.

Di dalam MTIB terefleksi rasa penyesalan TIB atas tindakan Kaum Paderi terhadap sesama orang Minang dan Mandailing. TIB sadar bahwa perjuangannya sudah melenceng dari ajaran agama. “Adapun hukum Kitabullah banyaklah yang terlampau dek oleh kita. Bagaimana pikiran kita?” (Adapun banyak hukum Kitabullah yang sudah terlangkahi oleh kita. Bagaimana pikiran kalian?), demikian tulis TIB dalam MTIB (hlm.39).

Sadar akan kekeliruan itu, TIB lalu mengirim kemenakannya, Fakih Muhammad, dan Tuanku Tambusai ke Mekah untuk belajar mengenai “kitabullah nan adil” (Hukum Kitabullah yang sebenarnya). Ikut juga kemenakan Tuanku Rao bernama Pakih Sialu, dan Kemenakan Tuanku Kadi (salah seorang rekan TIB) bernama Pakih Malano (MTIB, hlm. 36-40). Kemudian keempat orang itu pulang membawa berita yang kurang menggembirakan: Gerakan Wahabi di Mekah ternyata sudah dikalahkan dan yang berkembang di sana justru Islam yang lebih moderat. Oleh karenanya ide Haji Miskin yang telah membuat sesama orang Minangkabau dan tetangga Bataknya berbunuh-bunuhan telah invalid atau kadaluarsa.

MITB (hlm. 53-55) selanjutnya mencatat bahwa setelah itu TIB kelihatan ingin lengser dari kepemimpinan Gerakan Paderi. Dalam sebuah rapat di Mesjid Bonjol TIB berkata kepada para hakim dan penghulu bahwa beliau ingin mengundurkan diri. TIB juga menginstruksikan supaya mengembalikan harta rampasan dan para tawanan perang. Namun rakyat yang sudah menganggap beliau sebagai pemimpin mereka mengharapkan TIB tetap memimpin perjuangan.

Tampaknya berita yang dibawa oleh Fakih Muhammad dan Tuanku Tambusai dari Mekah telah mempengaruhi semangat TIB, yang pada gilirannya ikut menentukan akhir Perang Paderi. Narasi dalam MTIB memberikan kesan bahwa TIB menyesal telah menjerumuskan rakyat Minangkabau dalam perang berdarah. Sekarang, dengan keterlibatan Belanda dengan persenjataannya yang lebih modern, perang itu telah sampai ke tahap yang paling kritis, yang kalau dilanjutkan hanya akan memakan korban orang Minangkabau lebih banyak lagi. TIB berada dalam dilemma. Ketika TIB menerima surat dari Kolonel Elout yang meminta Bonjol menyerah tanpa syarat, muncul perpecahan di kalangan pemimpin Paderi di benteng itu. Ada yang suka menyerah dan berdamai dengan Kompeni. Yang lain, seperti Datuk Sati, ingin melanjutkan peperangan. TIB sedih melihat perpecahan itu dan beliau serta keluarganya sempat mundur ke Lubuk Sikaping (MTIB, hlm. 61-4).

Pada 16 Agustus 1837 Benteng Bonjol berhasil direbut Kompeni setelah dikepung selama 6 bulan. Sebelum benteng itu jatuh, TIB dan keluarganya dibawa pergi oleh pengikut setianya masuk rimba. Proses pengepungan Benteng Bonjol pada bulan-bulan terakhir sebelum jatuh dicatat dengan detil, dilengkapi ilustrasi, oleh Kapten de Salis yang ikut dalam pasukan Mayor Jendral Cochius dalam “Journaal van de expeditie naar Padang onder de Generaal-Majoor Cochius in 1837 gehouden door de Majoor Sous-Chief van den Generaal-Staf Jonkher C.P.A. de Salis”, yang diterbitkan bersama tiga sumber pertama lainnya dalam buku Gerke Teitler, Het einde Padri Oorlog: Het beleg en de vermeestering van Bondjol 1834-1837: Een bronnenpublicatie [Akhir Perang Paderi. Pengepungan dan Perampasan Bonjol 1834-1837; Sebuah Publikasi Sumber]. Amsterdam: De Bataafsche Leeuw, 2004), hlm.59-183.

Setelah ada jaminan dari Kolonel Elout bahwa penduduk Bonjol akan dihormati, TIB lalu menyerahkan diri kepada pasukan Kompeni. Ia menghadap Kapten Steinmetz di Bukittinggi, yang kemudian mengirimnya ke Padang. Sesampai di Padang, kapal yang akan membawa beliau ke tanah pembuangan telah lego jangkar di Pulau Cingkuk. Gubernur Francis tak memberi kesempatan kepada TIB untuk sekedar mengambil pakaian pengganti. Kapal berlayar menuju Jawa: TIB tinggal di Cianjur, sebelum kemudian dipindahkan ke Ambon, selanjutnya ke Menado di mana beliau wafat pada 1864.

Api peperangan di Minangakabau belum sepenuhnya padam ketika TIB berlayar ke tanah pembuangan. Sisa pasukan Paderi yang tidak mau menyerah kepada Kompeni melanjutkan perjuangan. Begitu Bonjol direbut Kompeni, pasukan Eropa dan prajurit pribuminya sudah langsung melakukan tindakan yang membuat orang Bonjol berang dan merasa terhina: tentara Kompeni dan pasukan Jawanya mengubah “mesjid jadi tangsi tempat serdadu diam dan dibawanya anjing dan membikin kotor sajo [saja; Suryadi] di dalam mesjid”. Tentara Kompeni juga mengambil dari penduduk segala bahan makanan yang mereka perlukan tanpa mau membayar, dan menyuruh orang bekerja mengangkat segala perlatan militernya tanpa diberi upah. Pada puncak kemarahan orang Bonjol, mesjid itu diserang oleh penduduk yang mengakibatkan banyak kematian di antara 139 tentara Kompeni yang bermarkas di sana (MITB, hlm.69-70). Rupanya Kompeni tidak menepati janjinya untuk menghormati adat dan agama penduduk Bonjol, sebagaimana diminta oleh TIB kepada Kolonel Elout sebelum beliau menyerahkan diri.

Penyesalan TIB itu, dan perjuangan heroik beliau bersama pengikutinya melawan Belanda yang mengepung Bonjol dari segala jurusan selama kurang lebih enam bulan (16 Maret – 17 Agustus 1837)—seperti dilaporkan rinci oleh De Salis (op cit.)— mungkin dapat dijadikan pertimbangan untuk memberi maaf bagi kesalahan dan kekhilafan yang telah diperbuat TIB.

Dalam bukunya, Greget Tuanku Rao (Jakarta: Komunitas Bambu, 2007), Basyral Hamidi Harahap mempertanyakan kadar patriotisme TIB [dan Tuanku Tambusai] yang telah ditetapkan oleh Pemerintah Republik Indonesia sebagai Pahlawan Nasional.

Kita bertanya di manakah jiwa kepahlawanan seorang yang telah banyak membunuh, menculik kaum perempuan untuk dijual sebagai budak atau dijadikan gundik di kalangan bangsa sendiri? […] Apakah seorang yang […] tidak [mampu] mempertahankan tanah tumpah darah sampai titik darah penghabisan […] dan menginjak-injak harkat dan martabat bangsa sendiri pantas menjadi pahlawan? […] Seorang patriot sejati, sekalipun terpojok pastilah tetap berjuang mempertahankan bumi persada sampai titik darah penghabisan. Tetapi yang dilakukan Tuanku Imam Bonjol adalah ikut merekayasa penyerahan dirinya kepada Belanda (Harahap 2007:106).

Jadi, menurut interpretasi Basyral, TIB merekayasa penyerahan dirinya sendiri kepada Belanda. Ia menganggap TIB tidak patriotis.

Namun, berbeda dengan Basyral, Jeffrey Hadler—seperti terefleksi dalam kutipan di awal tulisan ini—mencoba ‘membaca’ lebih dalam dilemma psikologis yang dialami TIB lebih 170 tahun yang lalu. Apalagi yang membuat seorang pemimpin agama menjadi lemah tulang persendiannya apabila akhirnya sadar bahwa semua yang telah dilakukannya ternyata telah menyalahi dogma-dogma agama yang begitu diyakininya selama ini, dan bahwa jika ia tetap ngotot dengan prinsipnya, maka hal itu hanya akan menumpahkan lebih banyak lagi darah bangsanya sendiri. Memang agak sulit untuk menilai dari jarak lebih satu setengah abad kemudian apakah tindakan TIB itu tidak patriotis atau malah bijaksana.

Dalam pengungsiannya selama kurang-lebih empat bulan dalam rimba di luar Bonjol, bersama TIB dan keluarganya ikut delapan orang Jawa, sementara antara sesama orang Minang sendiri bersibak paham dalam menghadapi Belanda (MTIB, hlm. 151-53). Episode akhir Perang Paderi penuh dengan kisah tragis sekaligus mengharukan. Akan kita lihat nanti apakah sutradara film kolosal mengenai TIB yang akan diproduksi PT. Salsa Cemerlang Abadi Film (Republika, 27 Oktober 2007) mampu merefeksikan konflik batin yang dialami TIB itu? Perang, dimanapun terjadinya di dunia ini, adalah ranah dimana kelembutan hati dan kebengisan jiwa makhluk yang bernama manusia sering menampakkan wujudnya secara berbarengan. Mungkin karena itulah perang sering dikenang sekaligus dikutuk, dan untuk itulah monumen-menumen didirikan.

MTIB, menurut Hadler, merefleksikan […] the Tuanku’s [TIB] renunciation of Wahhabism in the face of matriarchal opposition […]”.

In his memoir the Tuanku Imam’s will to fight his fellow Minangkabau crumbles when he learns that Wahhabi teachings have been discredited. In an act of great moral bravery the Tuanku publicly renounces his ideology, makes reparations, and apologizes for the suffering his war has caused. In his memoir Imam Bonjol’s enemies respond formulaically, looking to him as a patron. But there remains some ambiguity and even anger in their reported language. They demand that the Tuanku Imam replace their elders, people likely killed by the Padri in their war against traditional authority, and it unclear whether the Tuanku Imam is to appoint replacements or to personally take the place of the people he was responsible for killing. In his wish for peace the Tuanku uses the term dituahnya. This is a form of royal blessing usually delivered by the sorts of nobles that the Padri had hoped to eliminate. The Tuanku Imam restores the status quo ante bellum, confining religious authority to matters of shariah and allowing customary leaders to adjudicate social issues. He proclaims that ‘adat basandi syarak”—hariah will be fundamental, even in questions of social custom (Hadler, op cit.: 1, 16-17).

Seorang tokoh seperti TIB muncul, eksis, dan kemudian ‘runtuh’ oleh kombinasi antara keinginan, takdir, dan kehendak zaman. Ada yang menganggap beliau telah “berkhianat pada Kerajaan Islam Minangkabau Pagaruyung, […] memimpin invasi ke Tanah Batak yang menewaskan” banyak orang, “[…] menyerang Kerajaan Batak Bakkara dan menewaskan Sisingamangaraja X”, seperti yang dituduhkan si pembuat petisi yang telah disebutkan di atas. Tapi mungkin ada juga yang melihat beliau, yang dalam MTIB menunjukkan rasa penyesalan, sebagai ikon perlawanan masyarakat Minangkabau yang belakangan baru sadar akan buruknya akibat yang ditimbulkan oleh penjajahan Belanda di negeri mereka.

Sejarah adalah cermin perbandingan dan iktibar. Dengan mempelajari dan mengenang peristiwa-peristiwa masa lalu, baik dan buruk, manusia dapat memetik hikmah supaya mereka dapat menata hidupnya yang lebih baik di masa depan. Dalam konteks perjuangan dan kesilapan yang dialami TIB dalam hidupnya, kiranya relevan penulis kutipkan di sini kata-kata intelektual Minang, Prof. Dr. Bahder Djohan:

Tiada hadjat kita akan mengembang kitab tambo jang ditoelis dengan darah itoe [Perang Paderi; Suryadi], tiada bermaksoed kita akan menoeroeti djedjaknja sendjata api jang bertahoen-tahoen lamanja itoe bergemoeroeh didalam lembah dan dataran [Minangkabau], hanja disini kita mengenangkan sedikit meréka-meréka jang bertjahaja sebentar didalam zaman Paderi, jang seperti sinar dilangit meroepakan [memperlihatkan; Suryadi] diri dimata kita jang sedang memandangi koeblat jang hidjau itoe soepaja dapatlah poela kita mengetahoeï[,] masja allah, jang terdjadi diabad jang lepas, jang selama-lamanja akan mendjadi ‘ibarat kesesatan kemanoesiaan (Djohan, “Zaman Paderi”, Jong Sumatra, No.1, 2de Jrg., 15 Djanuari 1919: 113).

Di hari-hari terakhirnya di Minangkabau, TIB diusung di atas tandu oleh rakyat dalam perjalanannya dari Bukittinggi ke Padang menuju tanah pembuangan (MTIB, hlm.176-78). Walau sudah dalam tawanan Belanda keyakinan agama TIB tak goyah: “Jikalau tidak boleh berhenti sembahyang apa gunanya hidup, lebih baik mati”, demikian kata beliau kepada tentara Belanda yang melarangnya berhenti untuk shalat Zuhur ketika tandu usungan sampai di Kayu Tanam (MTIB hlm.176).

Kini terserah kepada Bangsa Indonesia—bangsa-bangsa lain jelas tak ambil pusing—apakah TIB akan tetap ditempatkan atau diturunkan dari “tandu kepahlawanan nasional” yang telah “diarak” oleh generasi-gerasi terdahulu bangsa ini dalam kolektif memori mereka.

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Suryadi
Dosen dan peneliti pada Opleiding Talen en Culturen van Zuidoost-Azië en Oceanië, Universiteit Leiden, Belanda

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Tuanku Imam Bonjol: Dikenang Sekaligus Digugat

November 26, 2007

*Catatan: Versi pendek artikel ini dimuat di harian Kompas, 10 November 2007.

Suryadi

Instead, Tuanku Imam Bonjol is remembered, a man who was ultimately a military failure, who was ideologically disillusioned, and for whom a shift from violent action to conciliatory discourse was rewarded with exile and misery (Jeffrey Hadler).

Sepanjang 62 tahun kemerdekaan Indonesia, nama Tuanku Imam Bonjol (TIB) hadir di ruang publik bangsa ini—sebagai nama jalan di banyak kota, nama stadion, nama universitas, bahkan di lembaran 5000-an rupiah keluaran Bank Indonesia 6 November 2001 (lihat ilustrasi). TIB (1772-1864), yang diangkat sebagai pahlawan nasional berdasarkan Surat Keputusan Presiden Republik Indonesia No.087/TK/Tahun 1973, tanggal 6 November 1973, adalah salah seorang pemimpin utama Perang Paderi di Sumatra Barat (1803-1837) yang gigih melawan kolonialis Belanda.

Namun, baru-baru ini muncul petisi yang menggugat gelar kepahlawanan TIB. Menurut petisi itu sosok TIB tak layak jadi Pahlawan Nasional Indonesia. Beliau dituduh melanggar hak azasi manusia (HAM) karena pasukan Paderi menginvasi Tanah Batak (1816-1833) yang menewaskan “jutaan” orang di daerah itu (lihat di sini; dikunjungi 18 November 2007). Kekejaman Kaum Paderi disorot lagi dengan diterbitkannya kembali buku M.O. Parlindungan, Pongkinangolngolan Sinamabela Gelar Tuanku Rao: Teror Agama Islam Mazhab Hambali di Tanah Batak, 1816-1833 (2006) (edisi pertama terbit 1964, yang telah dikritisi oleh Hamka, 1974), menyusul kemudian karya Basyral Hamidy Harahap, Greget Tuanku Rao (2007). Kedua penulisnya, yang kebetulan berasal dari Tanah Batak, menceritakan penderitaan nenek moyang mereka dan orang Batak pada umumnya selama serangan tentara Paderi antara 1816-1833 di daerah Mandailing, Bakkara, Angkola, Sipirok, Padang Lawas, dan sekitarnya (Tempo edisi 34/36/15-21 Oktober 2007).

Mitos Kepahlawanan
Munculnya koreksi terhadap wacana sejarah Indonesia belakangan ini, yang juga mencuatkan kritisisme terhadap konsep pahlawan nasional, seharusnya menjadi renungan semua komponen bangsa. Kaum intelektual dan akademis, khususnya sejarawan, adalah pihak yang paling bertanggung jawab jika evaluasi wacana historis itu hanya akan mengakibatkan munculnya friksi di tingkat dasar (masyarakat umum) yang berpotensi memecah-belah bangsa ini.

Ujung pena kaum akademis harus tajam, tapi teks-teks hasil torehannya seyogianya tidak mengandung ‘hawa panas’. Itulah sebabnya dalam tradisi akademis, kata-kata yang bernuansa subjektif dalam teks ilmiah – yang sayangnya diumbar tanpa kontrol dalam buku M.O. Parlidungan (2006 [1964]) – mesti disingkirkan sekuat tenaga oleh para penulis akademis. Kaum akademis dan intelektual adalah palang pintu terakhir untuk menjaga keutuhan bangsa ini di tengah langkanya politikus dan birokrat kita yang layak dijadikan panutan.

Setiap generasi berhak menafsirkan sejarah- (bangsa)nya sendiri. Namun, generasi baru bangsa ini—yang hidup dalam imaji globalisme—harus menyadari juga bahwa negara-bangsa (nation-state) apapun di dunia ini memerlukan mitos-mitos pengukuhan (myth of concern). Sebuah mitos pengukuhan tidaklah buruk. Ia adalah unsur penting yang di-ada-kan sebagai “lem perekat” bangsa. Sosok pahlawan nasional seperti Pangeran Diponegoro, Sultan Hasanuddin, Sisingamangaraja XII,…., juga TIB, adalah bagian dari mitos pengukuhan bangsa Indonesia.

Jeffrey Hadler dalam “An History of Violence and Secular State in Indonesia: Tuanku Imam Bondjol and Uses of History” (akan terbit dalam Journal of Asian Studies, 2008) menunjukkan, kepahlawanan TIB telah dibentuk sejak awal kemerdekaan hingga zaman Orde Baru, dan hal itu setidaknya terkait tiga kepentingan:

Pertama, menciptakan mitos tokoh hero yang gigih melawan Belanda sebagai bagian wacana historis pemersatu bangsa.

Kedua, mengeliminasi wacana radikalisme Islam dalam upaya menciptakan negara-bangsa yang toleran terhadap keragaman agama dan budaya.

Ketiga
, “merangkul” kembali etnis Minang ke haribaan Indonesia yang telah mendapat stigma negatif dalam pandangan pusat akibat peristiwa PRRI (Pemerintahan Revolusioner Republik Indonesia).

Kita tak yakin, sudah adakah biji zarah keindonesiaan di zaman perjuangan TIB dan tokoh lokal lain yang hidup sezaman dengannya, yang kini dikenal sebagai pahlawan nasional.

Kita juga tahu bahwa pada zaman itu perbudakan adalah bagian dari sistem sosial dan beberapa kerajaan tradisional Nusantara melakukan ekspansi teritorial dengan menyerang beberapa kerajaan tetangganya. Para pemimpin lokal berperang melawan Belanda karena didorong semangat kedaerahan, bahkan mungkin dilatarbelakangi keinginan untuk mempertahankan hegemoni sebagai penguasa yang mendapat saingan akibat kedatangan bangsa Barat. Namun, mereka akhirnya menjadi pahlawan nasional karena bangsa memerlukan mitos pemersatu.

Bukan Manusia Sempurna
Tak dapat dimungkiri bahwa Perang Paderi telah meninggalkan kenangan heroik sekaligus traumatik dalam memori kolektif bangsa Indonesia. Selama kurang lebih 20 tahun pertama perang itu (1803-1821) praktis yang saling berbunuhan adalah sesama saudara sendiri—antara sesama orang Minangkabau dan orang Mandailing atau Batak pada umumnya.

Campur tangan Belanda dalam perang itu ditandai dengan penyerangan Simawang dan Sulit Air oleh pasukan Kapten Goffinet dan Kapten Dienema pada awal April 1821 atas perintah Residen James du Puy di Padang. Kompeni melibatkan diri dalam perang itu karena ‘diundang’ oleh Kaum Adat.

Pada 21 Februari 1821 Kaum Adat secara resmi menyerahkan wilayah Luhak Nan Tigo (darek) kepada Belanda yang bersedia membantu mereka memerangi Kaum Paderi. Perjanjian itu diadakan di Padang di bawah sumpah menjunjung al-Qur’an dan disaksikan oleh Panglima Padang, Sutan Raja Mansyur Alamsyah, dan wakilnya, Tuanku Bandaro Rajo Johan (Rusli Amran, Sumatra Barat hingga Plakat Panjang. Jakarta: Sinar Harapan, 1981, hlm. 409). Ikut ‘mengundang’ sisa keluarga Dinasti Pagaruyung di bawah pimpinan Sultan Muningsyah yang selamat dari pembunuhan oleh pasukan Paderi yang dipimpin oleh Tuanku Pasaman di Koto Tangah, dekat Batu Sangkar, pada 1815—bukan 1803 seperti disebutkan oleh Parlindungan, 2007:136-41—(H.M.Lange, Het Nederlandsch Oost-Indisch leger ter Westkust van Sumatra (1819-1845). ‘s Hertogenbosch: Gebroeder Muller,1852: I, hlm. 20-1).

Pada 25 April Sulit Air jauh ke tangan Kompeni setelah mereka sendiri menderita kerugian besar. “Aldus begon onze oorlog met de Padries” (Dengan demikian, peperangan kita dengan Kaum Paderi telah dimulai), demikian tulis seorang opsir Belanda yang tidak menyebutkan namanya (lihat: anonim, “Episoden uit geschiedenis der Nederlandsche krigsverrigtingen op Sumatra’s Westkus”, Indisch Magazijn 12/1, no.7, 1844:116).

Namun, sejak awal 1833, perang itu berubah menjadi perang antara Kaum Adat dan Kaum Agama melawan Belanda. Memorie Tuanku Imam Bonjol (MTIB)—lihat transliterasinya oleh Sjafnir Aboe Nain (Padang: PPIM, 2004), sebuah sumber pribumi yang penting mengenai Perang Paderi yang cenderung diabaikan para sejarawan selama ini—mencatat bagaimana kedua pihak bahu-membahu melawan Belanda. Pihak-pihak yang dulunya bertentangan akhirnya bersatu melawan musuh bersama: Kompeni Belanda. Di ujung penyesalan muncul kesadaran bahwa mengundang Kompeni ke dalam konflik itu telah semakin menyengsarakan masyarakat Minangkabau sendiri.

Di dalam MTIB terefleksi rasa penyesalan TIB atas tindakan Kaum Paderi terhadap sesama orang Minang dan Mandailing. TIB sadar bahwa perjuangannya sudah melenceng dari ajaran agama. “Adapun hukum Kitabullah banyaklah yang terlampau dek oleh kita. Bagaimana pikiran kita?” (Adapun banyak hukum Kitabullah yang sudah terlangkahi oleh kita. Bagaimana pikiran kalian?), demikian tulis TIB dalam MTIB (hlm.39).

Sadar akan kekeliruan itu, TIB lalu mengirim kemenakannya, Fakih Muhammad, dan Tuanku Tambusai ke Mekah untuk belajar mengenai “kitabullah nan adil” (Hukum Kitabullah yang sebenarnya). Ikut juga kemenakan Tuanku Rao bernama Pakih Sialu, dan Kemenakan Tuanku Kadi (salah seorang rekan TIB) bernama Pakih Malano (MTIB, hlm. 36-40). Kemudian keempat orang itu pulang membawa berita yang kurang menggembirakan: Gerakan Wahabi di Mekah ternyata sudah dikalahkan dan yang berkembang di sana justru Islam yang lebih moderat. Oleh karenanya ide Haji Miskin yang telah membuat sesama orang Minangkabau dan tetangga Bataknya berbunuh-bunuhan telah invalid atau kadaluarsa.

MITB (hlm. 53-55) selanjutnya mencatat bahwa setelah itu TIB kelihatan ingin lengser dari kepemimpinan Gerakan Paderi. Dalam sebuah rapat di Mesjid Bonjol TIB berkata kepada para hakim dan penghulu bahwa beliau ingin mengundurkan diri. TIB juga menginstruksikan supaya mengembalikan harta rampasan dan para tawanan perang. Namun rakyat yang sudah menganggap beliau sebagai pemimpin mereka mengharapkan TIB tetap memimpin perjuangan.

Tampaknya berita yang dibawa oleh Fakih Muhammad dan Tuanku Tambusai dari Mekah telah mempengaruhi semangat TIB, yang pada gilirannya ikut menentukan akhir Perang Paderi. Narasi dalam MTIB memberikan kesan bahwa TIB menyesal telah menjerumuskan rakyat Minangkabau dalam perang berdarah. Sekarang, dengan keterlibatan Belanda dengan persenjataannya yang lebih modern, perang itu telah sampai ke tahap yang paling kritis, yang kalau dilanjutkan hanya akan memakan korban orang Minangkabau lebih banyak lagi. TIB berada dalam dilemma. Ketika TIB menerima surat dari Kolonel Elout yang meminta Bonjol menyerah tanpa syarat, muncul perpecahan di kalangan pemimpin Paderi di benteng itu. Ada yang suka menyerah dan berdamai dengan Kompeni. Yang lain, seperti Datuk Sati, ingin melanjutkan peperangan. TIB sedih melihat perpecahan itu dan beliau serta keluarganya sempat mundur ke Lubuk Sikaping (MTIB, hlm. 61-4).

Pada 16 Agustus 1837 Benteng Bonjol berhasil direbut Kompeni setelah dikepung selama 6 bulan. Sebelum benteng itu jatuh, TIB dan keluarganya dibawa pergi oleh pengikut setianya masuk rimba. Proses pengepungan Benteng Bonjol pada bulan-bulan terakhir sebelum jatuh dicatat dengan detil, dilengkapi ilustrasi, oleh Kapten de Salis yang ikut dalam pasukan Mayor Jendral Cochius dalam “Journaal van de expeditie naar Padang onder de Generaal-Majoor Cochius in 1837 gehouden door de Majoor Sous-Chief van den Generaal-Staf Jonkher C.P.A. de Salis”, yang diterbitkan bersama tiga sumber pertama lainnya dalam buku Gerke Teitler, Het einde Padri Oorlog: Het beleg en de vermeestering van Bondjol 1834-1837: Een bronnenpublicatie [Akhir Perang Paderi. Pengepungan dan Perampasan Bonjol 1834-1837; Sebuah Publikasi Sumber]. Amsterdam: De Bataafsche Leeuw, 2004), hlm.59-183.

Setelah ada jaminan dari Kolonel Elout bahwa penduduk Bonjol akan dihormati, TIB lalu menyerahkan diri kepada pasukan Kompeni. Ia menghadap Kapten Steinmetz di Bukittinggi, yang kemudian mengirimnya ke Padang. Sesampai di Padang, kapal yang akan membawa beliau ke tanah pembuangan telah lego jangkar di Pulau Cingkuk. Gubernur Francis tak memberi kesempatan kepada TIB untuk sekedar mengambil pakaian pengganti. Kapal berlayar menuju Jawa: TIB tinggal di Cianjur, sebelum kemudian dipindahkan ke Ambon, selanjutnya ke Menado di mana beliau wafat pada 1864.

Api peperangan di Minangakabau belum sepenuhnya padam ketika TIB berlayar ke tanah pembuangan. Sisa pasukan Paderi yang tidak mau menyerah kepada Kompeni melanjutkan perjuangan. Begitu Bonjol direbut Kompeni, pasukan Eropa dan prajurit pribuminya sudah langsung melakukan tindakan yang membuat orang Bonjol berang dan merasa terhina: tentara Kompeni dan pasukan Jawanya mengubah “mesjid jadi tangsi tempat serdadu diam dan dibawanya anjing dan membikin kotor sajo [saja; Suryadi] di dalam mesjid”. Tentara Kompeni juga mengambil dari penduduk segala bahan makanan yang mereka perlukan tanpa mau membayar, dan menyuruh orang bekerja mengangkat segala perlatan militernya tanpa diberi upah. Pada puncak kemarahan orang Bonjol, mesjid itu diserang oleh penduduk yang mengakibatkan banyak kematian di antara 139 tentara Kompeni yang bermarkas di sana (MITB, hlm.69-70). Rupanya Kompeni tidak menepati janjinya untuk menghormati adat dan agama penduduk Bonjol, sebagaimana diminta oleh TIB kepada Kolonel Elout sebelum beliau menyerahkan diri.

Penyesalan TIB itu, dan perjuangan heroik beliau bersama pengikutinya melawan Belanda yang mengepung Bonjol dari segala jurusan selama kurang lebih enam bulan (16 Maret – 17 Agustus 1837)—seperti dilaporkan rinci oleh De Salis (op cit.)— mungkin dapat dijadikan pertimbangan untuk memberi maaf bagi kesalahan dan kekhilafan yang telah diperbuat TIB.

Dalam bukunya, Greget Tuanku Rao (Jakarta: Komunitas Bambu, 2007), Basyral Hamidi Harahap mempertanyakan kadar patriotisme TIB [dan Tuanku Tambusai] yang telah ditetapkan oleh Pemerintah Republik Indonesia sebagai Pahlawan Nasional.

Kita bertanya di manakah jiwa kepahlawanan seorang yang telah banyak membunuh, menculik kaum perempuan untuk dijual sebagai budak atau dijadikan gundik di kalangan bangsa sendiri? […] Apakah seorang yang […] tidak [mampu] mempertahankan tanah tumpah darah sampai titik darah penghabisan […] dan menginjak-injak harkat dan martabat bangsa sendiri pantas menjadi pahlawan? […] Seorang patriot sejati, sekalipun terpojok pastilah tetap berjuang mempertahankan bumi persada sampai titik darah penghabisan. Tetapi yang dilakukan Tuanku Imam Bonjol adalah ikut merekayasa penyerahan dirinya kepada Belanda (Harahap 2007:106).

Jadi, menurut interpretasi Basyral, TIB merekayasa penyerahan dirinya sendiri kepada Belanda. Ia menganggap TIB tidak patriotis.

Namun, berbeda dengan Basyral, Jeffrey Hadler—seperti terefleksi dalam kutipan di awal tulisan ini—mencoba ‘membaca’ lebih dalam dilemma psikologis yang dialami TIB lebih 170 tahun yang lalu. Apalagi yang membuat seorang pemimpin agama menjadi lemah tulang persendiannya apabila akhirnya sadar bahwa semua yang telah dilakukannya ternyata telah menyalahi dogma-dogma agama yang begitu diyakininya selama ini, dan bahwa jika ia tetap ngotot dengan prinsipnya, maka hal itu hanya akan menumpahkan lebih banyak lagi darah bangsanya sendiri. Memang agak sulit untuk menilai dari jarak lebih satu setengah abad kemudian apakah tindakan TIB itu tidak patriotis atau malah bijaksana.

Dalam pengungsiannya selama kurang-lebih empat bulan dalam rimba di luar Bonjol, bersama TIB dan keluarganya ikut delapan orang Jawa, sementara antara sesama orang Minang sendiri bersibak paham dalam menghadapi Belanda (MTIB, hlm. 151-53). Episode akhir Perang Paderi penuh dengan kisah tragis sekaligus mengharukan. Akan kita lihat nanti apakah sutradara film kolosal mengenai TIB yang akan diproduksi PT. Salsa Cemerlang Abadi Film (Republika, 27 Oktober 2007) mampu merefeksikan konflik batin yang dialami TIB itu? Perang, dimanapun terjadinya di dunia ini, adalah ranah dimana kelembutan hati dan kebengisan jiwa makhluk yang bernama manusia sering menampakkan wujudnya secara berbarengan. Mungkin karena itulah perang sering dikenang sekaligus dikutuk, dan untuk itulah monumen-menumen didirikan.

MTIB, menurut Hadler, merefleksikan […] the Tuanku’s [TIB] renunciation of Wahhabism in the face of matriarchal opposition […]”.

In his memoir the Tuanku Imam’s will to fight his fellow Minangkabau crumbles when he learns that Wahhabi teachings have been discredited. In an act of great moral bravery the Tuanku publicly renounces his ideology, makes reparations, and apologizes for the suffering his war has caused. In his memoir Imam Bonjol’s enemies respond formulaically, looking to him as a patron. But there remains some ambiguity and even anger in their reported language. They demand that the Tuanku Imam replace their elders, people likely killed by the Padri in their war against traditional authority, and it unclear whether the Tuanku Imam is to appoint replacements or to personally take the place of the people he was responsible for killing. In his wish for peace the Tuanku uses the term dituahnya. This is a form of royal blessing usually delivered by the sorts of nobles that the Padri had hoped to eliminate. The Tuanku Imam restores the status quo ante bellum, confining religious authority to matters of shariah and allowing customary leaders to adjudicate social issues. He proclaims that ‘adat basandi syarak”—hariah will be fundamental, even in questions of social custom (Hadler, op cit.: 1, 16-17).

Seorang tokoh seperti TIB muncul, eksis, dan kemudian ‘runtuh’ oleh kombinasi antara keinginan, takdir, dan kehendak zaman. Ada yang menganggap beliau telah “berkhianat pada Kerajaan Islam Minangkabau Pagaruyung, […] memimpin invasi ke Tanah Batak yang menewaskan” banyak orang, “[…] menyerang Kerajaan Batak Bakkara dan menewaskan Sisingamangaraja X”, seperti yang dituduhkan si pembuat petisi yang telah disebutkan di atas. Tapi mungkin ada juga yang melihat beliau, yang dalam MTIB menunjukkan rasa penyesalan, sebagai ikon perlawanan masyarakat Minangkabau yang belakangan baru sadar akan buruknya akibat yang ditimbulkan oleh penjajahan Belanda di negeri mereka.

Sejarah adalah cermin perbandingan dan iktibar. Dengan mempelajari dan mengenang peristiwa-peristiwa masa lalu, baik dan buruk, manusia dapat memetik hikmah supaya mereka dapat menata hidupnya yang lebih baik di masa depan. Dalam konteks perjuangan dan kesilapan yang dialami TIB dalam hidupnya, kiranya relevan penulis kutipkan di sini kata-kata intelektual Minang, Prof. Dr. Bahder Djohan:

Tiada hadjat kita akan mengembang kitab tambo jang ditoelis dengan darah itoe [Perang Paderi; Suryadi], tiada bermaksoed kita akan menoeroeti djedjaknja sendjata api jang bertahoen-tahoen lamanja itoe bergemoeroeh didalam lembah dan dataran [Minangkabau], hanja disini kita mengenangkan sedikit meréka-meréka jang bertjahaja sebentar didalam zaman Paderi, jang seperti sinar dilangit meroepakan [memperlihatkan; Suryadi] diri dimata kita jang sedang memandangi koeblat jang hidjau itoe soepaja dapatlah poela kita mengetahoeï[,] masja allah, jang terdjadi diabad jang lepas, jang selama-lamanja akan mendjadi ‘ibarat kesesatan kemanoesiaan (Djohan, “Zaman Paderi”, Jong Sumatra, No.1, 2de Jrg., 15 Djanuari 1919: 113).

Di hari-hari terakhirnya di Minangkabau, TIB diusung di atas tandu oleh rakyat dalam perjalanannya dari Bukittinggi ke Padang menuju tanah pembuangan (MTIB, hlm.176-78). Walau sudah dalam tawanan Belanda keyakinan agama TIB tak goyah: “Jikalau tidak boleh berhenti sembahyang apa gunanya hidup, lebih baik mati”, demikian kata beliau kepada tentara Belanda yang melarangnya berhenti untuk shalat Zuhur ketika tandu usungan sampai di Kayu Tanam (MTIB hlm.176).

Kini terserah kepada Bangsa Indonesia—bangsa-bangsa lain jelas tak ambil pusing—apakah TIB akan tetap ditempatkan atau diturunkan dari “tandu kepahlawanan nasional” yang telah “diarak” oleh generasi-gerasi terdahulu bangsa ini dalam kolektif memori mereka.

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Suryadi
Dosen dan peneliti pada Opleiding Talen en Culturen van Zuidoost-Azië en Oceanië, Universiteit Leiden, Belanda

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A Brief Mapping of Islamic Education in Indonesia

November 22, 2007

Photo caption: a student in Pesantren Haurkuning, Tasikmalaya, West Java, is learning how to present a speech, while the Kyai looks at him.

Jamhari and Jajat Burhanudin
PPIM UIN Jakarta

The recent development of Indonesian Islam indicates that Islamic educational institutions survive amidst changes within Muslim communities. Pesantren, the oldest Islamic educational institution, is evidence of this. Pesantren, madrasah, and Islamic schools continue to grow and parental interest in sending their children to Islamic education institution is even stronger today than in the past.

Data from the Department of Religious Affairs shows a steady increase in the number of pesantren and students enrolled in them. In 1977, there were 4,195 pesantren with 677,384 students. This number skyrocketed in 1981 with pesantren numbering 5,661 with a total of 938,397 students. In 1985, this number increased to 6,239 pesantren with 1,084,801 students. In 1997, the Department reported 9,388 pesantren a total of 1,770,768 students. And finally, 2003-04, the number of pesantren reached 14,647. A similar trend is also evident with madrasah.

Madrasah, managed by the Department of Religious Affairs, also experienced rapid quality and quantity development. Development trends are also evident in Islamic schools. For example, Al-Azhar School in Jakarta, Insan Cendikia and Madania in West Java, and Mutahhari in Bandung have grown significantly in urban regions of the country. Similar developments are also found in Yogyakarta, Surabaya, and Makassar.

These data raise some important questions concerning the development and survival of Islamic educational institutions, as well as their changing roles amid transitions taking place in the Muslim community. Islamic educational institutions face complex challenges. They not only strive to educate Muslims in religious knowledge, but are also expected to participate in creating a new socio-cultural and political system of Indonesia. Based on the characteristics of Islamic educational institutions, there are at least four types of Islamic educational institutions: (1) NU-based Islamic boarding schools, (2) modern Islamic boarding schools whose orientation are Islamic reformism, (3) independent pesantrens, and (4) Islamic schools.

NU-based Pesantren
Strong waves of Islamic education reform, which occurred along with Islamic reformism, touched pesantren. While maintaining the traditional aspects of the education system, a number of pesantren in Java have, at the same time, begun to adopt the madrasah system. The experience of Pesantren Tebuireng Jombang East Java is important to note. Founded by a charismatic and outstanding ulama of the 20th century, Kyai Hasyim Asy’ari (1871–1947), Pesantren Tebuireng set the model for pesantren and ulama, especially in Java. Almost all of the important pesantren in Java have been founded by disciples of Kyai Hasim Asy’ari, therefore following the Tebuireng model. Together with the NU, which he founded in 1926, Kyai Hasyim had a central and strategic position in the legacies of ulama in Java. As such, he is known as the Hadratus Syaikh (Big Master) for ulama in Java.

Attempts to reform the educational system of pesantren began during the 1930s. The NU-based pesantren adopted the madrasah system by opening a six-grade system consisting of a preparatory grade for one year followed by a madrasah grade for six additional years. Furthermore the pesantren also included non-Islamic sciences in its curriculum such as Dutch language, history, geography, and math. This process continued as the pesantren was managed by his son Kyai Abdul Wahid Hasyim (1914– 53), whose concerns were to bring the legacies of pesantren into modernity. During the 1950s, he made madrasah system the main model of education in Tebuireng.

Tebuireng was not the only pesantren to make changes to its system. Pesantren Krapyak of Yogyakarta also became part of the reformist movement in the early 20th century. Kyai Ali Maksum (1915–89), the founder and the pesantren leader of Krapyak was recognized as a figure with a “modernist spirit.” Like Kyai Wahid Hasyim of Tebuireng, he also combined the madrasah into pesantren systems. In addition, Pesantren Tambak Beras and Pesantren Rejoso, both in Jombang, also adopted reformist agenda by implementing the madrasah system by introducing non-Islamic knowledge into their curriculum.

It can be concluded that, along with socio-religious changes following modernization and Islamic reformism, the transformation of Islamic education became a part of general discourse within Indonesian Islam at the beginning of the 20th century. The pesantren ulama, strictly holding the traditional legacies of Islam, gradually transformed the educational sytem by adopting the modern system of madrasahs. In addition, the main orientation of pesantren also changed form a focus on producing ulama. Instead, like other modern Muslim groups, the learning system of Pesantren Tebuireng is directed toward a larger agenda, “to educate students to be able to develop themselves to be ‘intellectual ulama’ (ulama mastering secular knowledge) and ‘ulama intellectual’ (scholars mastering secular as well as religious knowledge.”

This type of pesantren, culturally based on the NU tradition, has been growing steadily and can be found in almost every city in Java. In West Sumatra, this type of pesantren is affiliated with Perti (Persatuan Tarbiyah Islamiyah), a kaum tua-affiliated organization like the NU in Java. In Lombok, West Nusa Tenggara, the position of NU is assumed by the local Nahdhatul Watan (NW). Like NU and Perti, NW has become the cultural bases for traditional Islamic education institutions in Lombok as well as religious bases in the region. Similarly, As’adiyah in South Sulawesi has also played an important role like that of NU in Java, NW in NTB, and Perti in West Sumatra.

Modern Pesantren
In the history of Islamic education in Indonesia, this type of pesantren is said to be the first institution to create the principles for reforming Islamic education within the pesantren system. Pesantren Darussalam Gontor Ponorogo, founded on September 20, 1926 by three brothers (KH. Ahmad Sahal, KH. Zainuddin Fannani, and KH. Imam Zarkasyi) was the first modern pesantren designed to provide education able to respond to challenges faced by the Muslim community amidst changes in the socio-cultural life in Indonesia in the modern-day period.

Pesantren Gontor was founded during a period of important development for Indonesian Muslims. Forced by modernization by the Dutch colonial government (also known as “ethical politics”) and affected by changes in international networks centering Islamic reformism in Cairo, Egypt, Islamic education in Indonesia underwent fundamental changes. These changes were evident in the emergence of new Islamic educational institutions, especially those established by the first modern Muslim organization, Muhammadiyah, that adopted a modern system aimed at reforming the traditional educational system. As such, Islamic educational institutions became important parts of the Islamic reformism movement since the early 20th century.

In addition to introducing a new system and learning method—grade system, textbook, and non-religious subjects in the curriculum—pesantren also functioned as the medium to disseminate the ideas of Islamic reformism. It became the basis of creating new Muslims familiar with the spirit of modernism and progress, which had become a dominant discourse in Indonesia. Here the socio and religious dimension of madrasah can be clearly identified. Different from the type of pesantren that only provided classical religious learning and a kyai-centric system, madrasah provided a new religious perspective to respond to modernity. Unlike pesantren which functioned as the fabric of the ulama, madrasah were designed to create the so-called “learning Muslims.”

It is by this design that the foundation of Pesantren Gontor can be explained. It aimed to create new Muslims who could master either religious or secular knowledge as well as various life skills needed by the changing community. Since its inception, Gontor identified itself as a modern educational institution in contrast to a traditional pesantren which had been plagued with stagnancy and ineffective educational management. Imam Zarkasyi, one of Gontor’s founding fathers, saw that modern pesantren should apply freedom of thought, effective and efficient management, and adopt modern idea of progress (kemajuan) as well as modern devices. Like most Muslim reformers, he emphasized the need for madhab flexibility, which without would sometimes lead to stagnancy.

One aspect of this modernization can be seen in the system of Kulliyat al-Muallimin al-Islamiyah (KMI), a secondary grade system consisting of a six-year duration (equivalent to secondary and high schools). This KMI system is a combination of madrasah and pesantren systems. This combination is a result of Zarkasyi’s experiences in Pesantren Manbaul Ulum Solo, Sumatera Thawalib Padang Panjang, and Normal Islam School (also called KMI) and as founder and director of Kweekschool Muhammadiyah in Padang Sidempuan. In the classroom, students study and learn just like students of madrasah and other public schools do. However, outside of the classroom, students engage in various activities such as organization training, life skills, arts, sports, and scouting.

This concept of modern pesantren became the blueprint as a number of his students spread across the country established similar pesantren, usually called “the Alumni’s Pesantren” (meaning Gontor Alumni), named after the second generation who influenced the pesantren model in the next wave of development. From 1970–80, a number of Gontor alumni founded pesantren within their home regions. For example, Pesantren Daar El-Qalam Gintung Balaraja in Banten, Pesantren Al-Amin Prenduan Sumenep in Madura, and Pesantren Pabelan in Central Java, among many others.

Independent Pesantren
A new trend has recently emerged in Indonesia in the context of the development of pesantren and, to some extent, madrasah. This new trend is the presence of pesantren and madrasah that are independent in the sense that they have no affiliation with any Muslim mass organization. Instead, they are based largely on Salafi ideological beliefs.

It is difficult to know precisely when this new trend emerged. Even so, it is believed that the presence of independent pesantren and schools are closely related to the rise of Salafism in Indonesia in the 1980s. During this period, the advent and influence of Salafism can be identified with the emergence of so-called usroh groups. From a religious doctrine perspective, these groups follow the earlier Salafi figures such as Ahmad ibn Hambal and Ibn Taymiyah whose ideas were absorbed and developed by later figures such as Hasan al-Banna and Sayyid Qutb through Ikhwan al-Muslimin in Egypt and Abu al-A’la al-Mawdudi through Jema’at Islami in the India sub-continent. The doctrines of Salafism as developed by these figures have become the main reference for these groups.

To give an example, Pesantren Hidayatullah is based on contextualization of Salafi religious beliefs. This fact (to be demonstrated in the following section of statistical analysis) can be seen in the teachings developed by Ustadz Abdullah Said who created the idea of Muslim community (jemaah Islamiyah) (community who implements Islamic values in a comprehensive manner). Jemaah, in the context of the Islamic movement is frequently paralleled with hizb (party) and harakah (movement), although the concept of jemaah is used more widely than the other two. It is very frequently understood as a Muslim community more superior than others and as one claiming that the only solution they have is the correct one.

Another important characteristic of this group is the model of literal interpretation toward religious texts. As a result, they have a distinct physical appearance. For instance, males wear ghamis (an Arab garment for men) and have long beards, while females wear jilbab and veil, covering all parts of their bodies except for the eyes and hands. According to Islamic teaching, females are not allowed to show their bodies except to their husbands.

In Indonesia these groups have interestingly emerged in prominent public universities such Universitas Indonesia (UI), Institut Pertanian Bogor (IPB), Universitas Gadjah Mada (UGM), and Institut Teknologi Bandung (ITB). However, in Islamic universities such as State Islamic Institutes/Universities (UIN/IAIN), they are hardly found. After the fall of Suharto, groups calling themselves Lembaga Dakwah Kampus (LDK) began to emerge in predominantly Muslim universities. Their movement has become an important social and religious movement in Indonesia. At the political level, these groups gave support for the Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (Welfare Justice Party, PKS), one of the leading Muslim-based parties in Indonesia.

Islamic Schools
In essence, the system and organization of Islamic schools is similar to public schools (although most of them necessitate being a Muslim as a requirement from students) with an emphasis on Islamic moral conduct. As such, these schools can be categorized as “public school plus.” This means that religious courses on Islamic history, Islamic jurisprudence, or Islamic theology are not the main subjects of the curriculum like that of pesantren and of most madrasah. Instead, there is an emphasis on how religion can inspire good moral conduct in the daily lives of the students.

Islamic schools were created to cater to the Muslim middle class in urban areas. These schools are equipped with good facilities such as air-conditioned classrooms, libraries, labs, and computer facilities. As a modern institution, these schools are administered by professionals in management as well as curriculum development. Teachers, staff, and managers are recruited in a competitive and professional manner by considering their skills and competency levels.

Yayasan Pesantren Islam (YPI) Al-Azhar, founded on April 7, 1952, is one of the best examples of Islamic schools. As of 2004, Al-Azhar has managed as many as 78 schools from kindergarten to high school, spread over several provinces including Jakarta, Banten, West Java, and East Java. In 2002, YPI founded a university named Universitas Al-Azhar Indonesia (UAI).

In addition to Al-Azhar, other independent schools oriented toward science and technology include SMU Insan Cendikia in Banten and Gorontalo in Sulawesi. These schools were founded in 1996 by a number of scientists mostly affiliated with the Commission for Research, Development and Application of Technology (BPPT) under the Ministry of Research and Technology through the Science and Technology Equity Program (STEP) for schools within pesantren.

During its development, Islamic schools have grown not only in Jakarta but also in other large cities throughout Indonesia. For example, in West Sumatra there exists Kompleks Perguruan Serambi Mekkah in Padang Panjang which is supported by members of PKS party. This “PKS’s model of Islamic schools develop its own characteristic by giving more emphasis on Science and Technology. In terms of religious orientation, it seems that PKS’s model of Islamic schools follows “moderate salafism.” Although PKS is closer to Salafism, it differs with radical salafism like FPI (Islamic Defense Front).

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A Brief Mapping of Islamic Education in Indonesia

November 22, 2007

Photo caption: a student in Pesantren Haurkuning, Tasikmalaya, West Java, is learning how to present a speech, while the Kyai looks at him.

Jamhari and Jajat Burhanudin
PPIM UIN Jakarta

The recent development of Indonesian Islam indicates that Islamic educational institutions survive amidst changes within Muslim communities. Pesantren, the oldest Islamic educational institution, is evidence of this. Pesantren, madrasah, and Islamic schools continue to grow and parental interest in sending their children to Islamic education institution is even stronger today than in the past.
(more…)

A Brief Mapping of Islamic Education in Indonesia

November 22, 2007

Photo caption: a student in Pesantren Haurkuning, Tasikmalaya, West Java, is learning how to present a speech, while the Kyai looks at him.

Jamhari and Jajat Burhanudin
PPIM UIN Jakarta

The recent development of Indonesian Islam indicates that Islamic educational institutions survive amidst changes within Muslim communities. Pesantren, the oldest Islamic educational institution, is evidence of this. Pesantren, madrasah, and Islamic schools continue to grow and parental interest in sending their children to Islamic education institution is even stronger today than in the past.

Data from the Department of Religious Affairs shows a steady increase in the number of pesantren and students enrolled in them. In 1977, there were 4,195 pesantren with 677,384 students. This number skyrocketed in 1981 with pesantren numbering 5,661 with a total of 938,397 students. In 1985, this number increased to 6,239 pesantren with 1,084,801 students. In 1997, the Department reported 9,388 pesantren a total of 1,770,768 students. And finally, 2003-04, the number of pesantren reached 14,647. A similar trend is also evident with madrasah.

Madrasah, managed by the Department of Religious Affairs, also experienced rapid quality and quantity development. Development trends are also evident in Islamic schools. For example, Al-Azhar School in Jakarta, Insan Cendikia and Madania in West Java, and Mutahhari in Bandung have grown significantly in urban regions of the country. Similar developments are also found in Yogyakarta, Surabaya, and Makassar.

These data raise some important questions concerning the development and survival of Islamic educational institutions, as well as their changing roles amid transitions taking place in the Muslim community. Islamic educational institutions face complex challenges. They not only strive to educate Muslims in religious knowledge, but are also expected to participate in creating a new socio-cultural and political system of Indonesia. Based on the characteristics of Islamic educational institutions, there are at least four types of Islamic educational institutions: (1) NU-based Islamic boarding schools, (2) modern Islamic boarding schools whose orientation are Islamic reformism, (3) independent pesantrens, and (4) Islamic schools.

NU-based Pesantren
Strong waves of Islamic education reform, which occurred along with Islamic reformism, touched pesantren. While maintaining the traditional aspects of the education system, a number of pesantren in Java have, at the same time, begun to adopt the madrasah system. The experience of Pesantren Tebuireng Jombang East Java is important to note. Founded by a charismatic and outstanding ulama of the 20th century, Kyai Hasyim Asy’ari (1871–1947), Pesantren Tebuireng set the model for pesantren and ulama, especially in Java. Almost all of the important pesantren in Java have been founded by disciples of Kyai Hasim Asy’ari, therefore following the Tebuireng model. Together with the NU, which he founded in 1926, Kyai Hasyim had a central and strategic position in the legacies of ulama in Java. As such, he is known as the Hadratus Syaikh (Big Master) for ulama in Java.

Attempts to reform the educational system of pesantren began during the 1930s. The NU-based pesantren adopted the madrasah system by opening a six-grade system consisting of a preparatory grade for one year followed by a madrasah grade for six additional years. Furthermore the pesantren also included non-Islamic sciences in its curriculum such as Dutch language, history, geography, and math. This process continued as the pesantren was managed by his son Kyai Abdul Wahid Hasyim (1914– 53), whose concerns were to bring the legacies of pesantren into modernity. During the 1950s, he made madrasah system the main model of education in Tebuireng.

Tebuireng was not the only pesantren to make changes to its system. Pesantren Krapyak of Yogyakarta also became part of the reformist movement in the early 20th century. Kyai Ali Maksum (1915–89), the founder and the pesantren leader of Krapyak was recognized as a figure with a “modernist spirit.” Like Kyai Wahid Hasyim of Tebuireng, he also combined the madrasah into pesantren systems. In addition, Pesantren Tambak Beras and Pesantren Rejoso, both in Jombang, also adopted reformist agenda by implementing the madrasah system by introducing non-Islamic knowledge into their curriculum.

It can be concluded that, along with socio-religious changes following modernization and Islamic reformism, the transformation of Islamic education became a part of general discourse within Indonesian Islam at the beginning of the 20th century. The pesantren ulama, strictly holding the traditional legacies of Islam, gradually transformed the educational sytem by adopting the modern system of madrasahs. In addition, the main orientation of pesantren also changed form a focus on producing ulama. Instead, like other modern Muslim groups, the learning system of Pesantren Tebuireng is directed toward a larger agenda, “to educate students to be able to develop themselves to be ‘intellectual ulama’ (ulama mastering secular knowledge) and ‘ulama intellectual’ (scholars mastering secular as well as religious knowledge.”

This type of pesantren, culturally based on the NU tradition, has been growing steadily and can be found in almost every city in Java. In West Sumatra, this type of pesantren is affiliated with Perti (Persatuan Tarbiyah Islamiyah), a kaum tua-affiliated organization like the NU in Java. In Lombok, West Nusa Tenggara, the position of NU is assumed by the local Nahdhatul Watan (NW). Like NU and Perti, NW has become the cultural bases for traditional Islamic education institutions in Lombok as well as religious bases in the region. Similarly, As’adiyah in South Sulawesi has also played an important role like that of NU in Java, NW in NTB, and Perti in West Sumatra.

Modern Pesantren
In the history of Islamic education in Indonesia, this type of pesantren is said to be the first institution to create the principles for reforming Islamic education within the pesantren system. Pesantren Darussalam Gontor Ponorogo, founded on September 20, 1926 by three brothers (KH. Ahmad Sahal, KH. Zainuddin Fannani, and KH. Imam Zarkasyi) was the first modern pesantren designed to provide education able to respond to challenges faced by the Muslim community amidst changes in the socio-cultural life in Indonesia in the modern-day period.

Pesantren Gontor was founded during a period of important development for Indonesian Muslims. Forced by modernization by the Dutch colonial government (also known as “ethical politics”) and affected by changes in international networks centering Islamic reformism in Cairo, Egypt, Islamic education in Indonesia underwent fundamental changes. These changes were evident in the emergence of new Islamic educational institutions, especially those established by the first modern Muslim organization, Muhammadiyah, that adopted a modern system aimed at reforming the traditional educational system. As such, Islamic educational institutions became important parts of the Islamic reformism movement since the early 20th century.

In addition to introducing a new system and learning method—grade system, textbook, and non-religious subjects in the curriculum—pesantren also functioned as the medium to disseminate the ideas of Islamic reformism. It became the basis of creating new Muslims familiar with the spirit of modernism and progress, which had become a dominant discourse in Indonesia. Here the socio and religious dimension of madrasah can be clearly identified. Different from the type of pesantren that only provided classical religious learning and a kyai-centric system, madrasah provided a new religious perspective to respond to modernity. Unlike pesantren which functioned as the fabric of the ulama, madrasah were designed to create the so-called “learning Muslims.”

It is by this design that the foundation of Pesantren Gontor can be explained. It aimed to create new Muslims who could master either religious or secular knowledge as well as various life skills needed by the changing community. Since its inception, Gontor identified itself as a modern educational institution in contrast to a traditional pesantren which had been plagued with stagnancy and ineffective educational management. Imam Zarkasyi, one of Gontor’s founding fathers, saw that modern pesantren should apply freedom of thought, effective and efficient management, and adopt modern idea of progress (kemajuan) as well as modern devices. Like most Muslim reformers, he emphasized the need for madhab flexibility, which without would sometimes lead to stagnancy.

One aspect of this modernization can be seen in the system of Kulliyat al-Muallimin al-Islamiyah (KMI), a secondary grade system consisting of a six-year duration (equivalent to secondary and high schools). This KMI system is a combination of madrasah and pesantren systems. This combination is a result of Zarkasyi’s experiences in Pesantren Manbaul Ulum Solo, Sumatera Thawalib Padang Panjang, and Normal Islam School (also called KMI) and as founder and director of Kweekschool Muhammadiyah in Padang Sidempuan. In the classroom, students study and learn just like students of madrasah and other public schools do. However, outside of the classroom, students engage in various activities such as organization training, life skills, arts, sports, and scouting.

This concept of modern pesantren became the blueprint as a number of his students spread across the country established similar pesantren, usually called “the Alumni’s Pesantren” (meaning Gontor Alumni), named after the second generation who influenced the pesantren model in the next wave of development. From 1970–80, a number of Gontor alumni founded pesantren within their home regions. For example, Pesantren Daar El-Qalam Gintung Balaraja in Banten, Pesantren Al-Amin Prenduan Sumenep in Madura, and Pesantren Pabelan in Central Java, among many others.

Independent Pesantren
A new trend has recently emerged in Indonesia in the context of the development of pesantren and, to some extent, madrasah. This new trend is the presence of pesantren and madrasah that are independent in the sense that they have no affiliation with any Muslim mass organization. Instead, they are based largely on Salafi ideological beliefs.

It is difficult to know precisely when this new trend emerged. Even so, it is believed that the presence of independent pesantren and schools are closely related to the rise of Salafism in Indonesia in the 1980s. During this period, the advent and influence of Salafism can be identified with the emergence of so-called usroh groups. From a religious doctrine perspective, these groups follow the earlier Salafi figures such as Ahmad ibn Hambal and Ibn Taymiyah whose ideas were absorbed and developed by later figures such as Hasan al-Banna and Sayyid Qutb through Ikhwan al-Muslimin in Egypt and Abu al-A’la al-Mawdudi through Jema’at Islami in the India sub-continent. The doctrines of Salafism as developed by these figures have become the main reference for these groups.

To give an example, Pesantren Hidayatullah is based on contextualization of Salafi religious beliefs. This fact (to be demonstrated in the following section of statistical analysis) can be seen in the teachings developed by Ustadz Abdullah Said who created the idea of Muslim community (jemaah Islamiyah) (community who implements Islamic values in a comprehensive manner). Jemaah, in the context of the Islamic movement is frequently paralleled with hizb (party) and harakah (movement), although the concept of jemaah is used more widely than the other two. It is very frequently understood as a Muslim community more superior than others and as one claiming that the only solution they have is the correct one.

Another important characteristic of this group is the model of literal interpretation toward religious texts. As a result, they have a distinct physical appearance. For instance, males wear ghamis (an Arab garment for men) and have long beards, while females wear jilbab and veil, covering all parts of their bodies except for the eyes and hands. According to Islamic teaching, females are not allowed to show their bodies except to their husbands.

In Indonesia these groups have interestingly emerged in prominent public universities such Universitas Indonesia (UI), Institut Pertanian Bogor (IPB), Universitas Gadjah Mada (UGM), and Institut Teknologi Bandung (ITB). However, in Islamic universities such as State Islamic Institutes/Universities (UIN/IAIN), they are hardly found. After the fall of Suharto, groups calling themselves Lembaga Dakwah Kampus (LDK) began to emerge in predominantly Muslim universities. Their movement has become an important social and religious movement in Indonesia. At the political level, these groups gave support for the Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (Welfare Justice Party, PKS), one of the leading Muslim-based parties in Indonesia.

Islamic Schools
In essence, the system and organization of Islamic schools is similar to public schools (although most of them necessitate being a Muslim as a requirement from students) with an emphasis on Islamic moral conduct. As such, these schools can be categorized as “public school plus.” This means that religious courses on Islamic history, Islamic jurisprudence, or Islamic theology are not the main subjects of the curriculum like that of pesantren and of most madrasah. Instead, there is an emphasis on how religion can inspire good moral conduct in the daily lives of the students.

Islamic schools were created to cater to the Muslim middle class in urban areas. These schools are equipped with good facilities such as air-conditioned classrooms, libraries, labs, and computer facilities. As a modern institution, these schools are administered by professionals in management as well as curriculum development. Teachers, staff, and managers are recruited in a competitive and professional manner by considering their skills and competency levels.

Yayasan Pesantren Islam (YPI) Al-Azhar, founded on April 7, 1952, is one of the best examples of Islamic schools. As of 2004, Al-Azhar has managed as many as 78 schools from kindergarten to high school, spread over several provinces including Jakarta, Banten, West Java, and East Java. In 2002, YPI founded a university named Universitas Al-Azhar Indonesia (UAI).

In addition to Al-Azhar, other independent schools oriented toward science and technology include SMU Insan Cendikia in Banten and Gorontalo in Sulawesi. These schools were founded in 1996 by a number of scientists mostly affiliated with the Commission for Research, Development and Application of Technology (BPPT) under the Ministry of Research and Technology through the Science and Technology Equity Program (STEP) for schools within pesantren.

During its development, Islamic schools have grown not only in Jakarta but also in other large cities throughout Indonesia. For example, in West Sumatra there exists Kompleks Perguruan Serambi Mekkah in Padang Panjang which is supported by members of PKS party. This “PKS’s model of Islamic schools develop its own characteristic by giving more emphasis on Science and Technology. In terms of religious orientation, it seems that PKS’s model of Islamic schools follows “moderate salafism.” Although PKS is closer to Salafism, it differs with radical salafism like FPI (Islamic Defense Front).

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